Journal of Archaeological Studies

Abstract Abstract
Throughout ancient periods, geographical conditions and natural factors have had a significant impact on the formation, prosperity, decline, and settlement patterns of ancient sites. This article examines the settlement of human groups in the northwestern part of the Central Plateau (Qazvin) and their settlement patterns from the beginning of the Late Neolithic period to the end of the Chalcolithic period, in light of geomorphological and altitudinal characteristics, drainage networks, and climatic changes. The results show that natural conditions have had a significant impact on the settlement pattern of ancient sites in the Qazvin sub-basin, as well as settlement discontinuities and continuities.
Keywords: Niche Construction, Settlement Pattern, Central Iranian Plateau, Qazvin sub-basin.
 
1. Introduction
The relationship between culture and the natural environment has been one of the oldest debates in archaeology and anthropology, consistently providing a source of discussion (Meggers, 1954). By observing the relationship between humans and the environment from the past to the present, it can be seen that this relationship has always been two-way. Although in the past, due to less knowledge and a more primitive level of technology, this influence was much greater than it is today, people have always been influenced by the environment and, in turn, have changed the environment (Haggett, translated by Shapour Goudarzinejad, 1384: 401).
This article examines the niche construction of human groups in the northwestern part of the Central Plateau (the Qazvin watershed sub-basin) and the displacement of settlements in relation to geomorphological, altitudinal, drainage network, and climatic changes during the Late Neolithic, Transitional Chalcolithic, and Chalcolithic periods. Niche construction refers to the activities, choices, and processes through which organisms define, select, modify, to some extent create their environments (Odling-Smee et al., 1996; Laland & O’Brien, 2012 & 2015; Laland et al., 2016). The shifting of settlements and the selection of new habitats throughout ancient periods in response to environmental and climatic changes can also be considered a form of niche construction, wherein humans shape the environment according to their needs and lifestyle. In their search for new habitats, communities were compelled to alter the environment around them. Early architecture and the beginning of agriculture are examples of such human interventions in the environment. While the relocation to new areas was a strategy for adapting to environmental changes, it was also itself a significant factor in causing environmental change.
 
2. Methodology 
The study area of this research is the Qazvin sub-basin (Fig. 1). This sub-basin is itself a small part of the larger Namak Lake sub-basin. In terms of geomorphology, the Qazvin sub-basin is divided into three units: the northern unit (Alborz sub-unit), the interior basins and plains unit, and the central Iranian mountains unit (Alaei Taleghani, 1388). The most important landforms in the study area include mountains, alluvial fans, and alluvial plains.
The research began by delineating the Qazvin sub-basin using a 30-meter Digital Elevation Model (DEM) and ArcGIS. Based on the topography of the study area, the drainage network and all potential streams within the Qazvin sub-basin were extracted from the DEM. Subsequently, using ArcGIS, maps of distance from rivers and stream order were created, and analyzed in relation to the distribution, frequency, and density of sites. Afterward, geomorphological zones within the study area were identified and mapped using Google Earth satellite imagery, along with 1:50000 topographic maps and 1:100000 geological maps of the region. Subsequently, the location of ancient settlements was examined in relation to elevation, as well as the distribution of ancient sites across various geomorphological zones. In the next phase, the impacts of Holocene climate change on the settlement patterns of ancient sites over three specified periods were studied and analyzed.
 
3. Discussion
Analysis of settlement locations in relation to geomorphological features revealed that alluvial fans were the most densely occupied geomorphological landforms in this sub-basin during all three periods. Due to favorable geographic conditions such as gentle slopes, easy access to water resources, and the presence of fine-grained sediments, alluvial fans have historically been among the most preferred geomorphic landforms for settlement on the Iranian Plateau in general. The study of settlements in relation to altitude revealed that the highest density and percentage frequency of sites during the three periods under consideration were found in the 1000 to 1500-meter altitude range. During the Neolithic period, all ancient sites were located within this range, but during the Transitional Chalcolithic and Chalcolithic periods, in addition to this range, the distribution of sites extended to higher altitudes as well. A study of ancient sites in relation to their distance from rivers revealed that in the Qazvin sub-basin, the 0-500-meter range from the rivers was the most densely populated in all three studied periods. On the other hand, examining the location of these sites in relation to the stream order showed that in this sub-basin during the Neolithic period, most of the sites were located near third-order streams. In the Transitional Chalcolithic period, the concentration of sites was near to the first and second-order streams, while in the Chalcolithic period, first and third-order streams had the highest frequency of site concentration in their vicinity.
The relationship between settlement patterns and climate change was also examined. During the Neolithic period, most humans likely settled in low-lying areas with favorable environmental conditions for agricultural activities. During this period, all ancient sites were located in alluvial plains and alluvial fans. Most of the Neolithic archaeological sites in this study belong to the Late Neolithic period with an absolute and relative chronology ranging from 6000 to 5200 BCE (Fazeli Nashli et al., 1398: 48). Comparing this time frame with the climatic events of 9200 and 8200 BP indicates that the beginning of the cultural flourishing of the Neolithic period occurred after these two climatic events and coincided with more favorable climatic conditions.
Research conducted on the Transitional Chalcolithic period indicates an increase in aridity and dust during a portion of this timeframe. According to findings compiled by Sheikh Biklou Islam and colleagues (2023), this period is divided into three climatic phases: (a) 7300-7000 BP, the climate was temperate and humid; (b) 7000-6700 BPE, when humidity decreased; and (c) 6700-6300 BP, when the climate was relatively warm and humid, tending toward aridity towards the end. Our results show that settlement continuity persisted at several ancient sites, while settlement was disrupted at others. All settlements that continued to be occupied during the Neolithic and Transitional Chalcolithic periods were situated on alluvial fans at altitudes ranging between 1000 and 1500 meters. The increase in the frequency of settlements during the Transitional Chalcolithic period compared to the Neolithic period may be attributed to the favorable climatic conditions. Many climate proxies in the Middle East indicate dry climatic conditions during the Chalcolithic period ca. 6400-6000 BP. More than 30% of Chalcolithic sites are located in mountainous areas, and the aridity may have led to a change in subsistence patterns to pastoralism, towards higher altitudes. This indicates a type of ecological continuity and adaptation. On the other hand, a number of ancient sites were abandoned during the Chalcolithic period, mostly located between 500 and 1000 meters from watercourses, and often adjacent to lower-stream orders. As mentioned, during dry periods, due to less rainfall, the probability of watercourses drying up increased, and lower-order streams were often devoid of water flow during these periods. This could have been an aggravating factor in the difficult conditions for continued settlement during the Chalcolithic period in these sites.
4. Conclusion
The results of the study showed that natural conditions including geomorphology, altitude, drainage networks, and paleoclimate have had a significant impact on the pattern and the discontinuities and continuities of the settlement.

Abstract Abstract
The western side of the Karkheh River Basin, situated to the west of Greater Susiana, adjacent to the central Susiana plain, lies along a desert-plain ecotone. This ecological zone benefits from a range of environmental resources, including the fertile lands of the Karkheh River Basin, streams, and pastures. It also encompasses settlements dating from the prehistoric, historic, and Islamic periods. The present study seeks to analyze the fundamental environmental and archaeological data from this western side of this region. By offering a comprehensive characterization of settlement patterns during the Village Period, this research aims to explore how dynamic landscape changes influenced these patterns throughout the period under investigation. Through an assessment of settlement configurations across various prehistoric periods, the study will present concrete examples to support a proposed definition of the settlement system in the region. To achieve this, identified settlements will be examined in relation to the distribution and extent of material culture and a chronological framework will be established for each geographical unit. Furthermore, by evaluating the environmental capacities of these units, the research will determine whether the settlement organization during each period can be characterized as centralized, or whether settlement formation followed a more decentralized pattern. Finally, the impact of landscape transformations on the regional settlement system will be analyzed by comparing reconstructed past landscapes to their present state.
Keywords: Greater Susiana, Karkheh River Basin, Western Karkheh Region, Village Period, Settlement Patterns, Geomorphology, Palaeoenvironmental Changes.
 
1. Introduction
Considerable efforts have been made to study Greater Susiana from the perspective of paleo-climatic reconstruction in archaeological studies, and to a somewhat lesser extent, the role of the reciprocal relationship between humans and the environment during the Initial, Early, Middle, and Late Village periods, which together form the Village Period sequence in this region (Adams 1962; Kouchoukos 1998; Alizadeh et al., 2004). Previous studies conducted in Greater Susiana have revealed the adaptability of human societies and their settlement distribution patterns relative to potential changes in the natural landscapes of this geographic zone (Kouchoukos 1998; Wright 2010; Moghaddam 2012; Rashidian 2020). The study of settlement distribution patterns in the relatively small plains west of the Karkheh River (the Western Karkheh Region, hereafter WKR), which are distinguished by their geomorphological features, forms the basis of this research (Map 1). Settlement is continuous in the region from the Late Neolithic period (Archaic Susiana Phase III) to the dawn of urbanization (Terminal Susa A) and can be assessed within the chronological framework of southwestern Iran (Chart 2). Therefore, the research questions of this study are as follows:
1. How did the settlement system in the western plains of the Karkheh River Basin evolve during the Village Period?
2. On what basis was the connection between Village Period sites of the Western Karkheh Region formed?
3. What role do changes in the Karkheh River’s regime play in the establishment, occupational continuity, and the archaeological visibility of prehistoric sites in the Western Karkheh Region?
The focal point of this study concerns the role of the Karkheh River in shaping prehistoric site formation and its taphonomic role in structuring how sites have been detected by previous field research. There can be no doubt of the role of geomorphological factors in both processes, particularly as regards the earliest periods in this sequence, i.e., the Initial and Early Village Period settlements (Late Neolithic period) in the northern plains of Khuzestan.
 
2. Discussion
In the WKR region, remains have been documented from the final stage of the Initial Village period (corresponding to the Late Neolithic and the transitional phase from the Neolithic to Chalcolithic, i.e., the Choga Mami Transitional phase), the Middle Village period, and the Late Village period. Evidence from the Archaic Susiana Phase III has been observed thus far in at least three archaeological sites (Map 3: AS III). However, apart from a single piece of pottery at Tepe Ankoush in the Chenaneh Uplands and two other instances at the important archaeological site of Ishan Aswad in the Sorkheh Plain, no significant artifacts have been found in the collected assemblages that can confidently be dated to the following period, i.e., Early Susiana. It is possible that the aforementioned artifact could date back to the Archaic Susiana period. Additionally, while Adams (1962) attributes an archaeological site in this region to the Early Susiana period, none of these cases are sufficient to confirm the distribution of cultural remains from this period in the WKR region (Map 3: ES). A similar situation exists for the Early Middle Susiana period, as no cultural remains that can be definitively dated to this period were observed in the study. Only at Ishan Aswad, in the northernmost part of the study area, were three pottery pieces found that could be attributed to the Early Middle Susiana period. Given the flourishing of this site during later periods, it is possible that these two pieces were either produced and used as a continuation of earlier ceramic traditions during later times, or that older deposits, including those from the Early Middle Susiana period, were buried under newer layers (Map 3: EMS).
Fifteen archaeological sites in the region west of the Karkheh River have been dated to the Late Middle Susiana period. The settlements of this period throughout the study area mainly follow a linear pattern along the Karkheh River from north to south. The only exception is Tepe Reqeyveh in the Dowsalaq Plain, which is a settlement from the Late Middle Susiana period located in the westernmost part of the study area (Map 3: LMS).
The Late Susiana 1 period exhibits the most extensive settlement spatial distribution across the entire WKR region. Unlike the linear distribution pattern of the previous period, this period displays two types of settlement patterns: linear and clustered, on the eastern and western sides of the study area respectively. The linear pattern begins from the western bank of Karkheh in the Sorkheh Plain, includes the Chenaneh Uplands, and continues toward the easternmost part of the Bagheh Plain. The richness of the archaeological sites gradually decreases from north to south,. The Dowsalaq Plain, on the opposite side of the study area, shows a centralized cluster of settlements from this period. The southernmost identified settlement is Jali’eh Umm-ed-Dibis, which was a minor settlement during this period (Map 3: LS1).
During the Late Susiana 2 period, the dual settlement pattern observed in the previous period persists; however, the settlement distribution is limited to the northern part of the study area, and no settlements from this period have been identified in the southern plains of Lekheizar, Bagheh, and Umm-ed-Dibis (Map 3: LS2). Although the former two plains, Lekheizar and Bagheh, also appear to have been unoccupied in previous periods and this condition continued into later Village periods, one must not overlook the impact of rapid or persistent climatic and environmental factors that may have altered the geomorphological conditions of these plains.
The Terminal Susa A phase is the last period examined in this study in the region west of the Karkheh River. This period generally follows the patterns of the previous period. However, the number of settlements has significantly decreased, indicating a possible reduction in the population residing in the plains of the study area (Map 3: TS A). The only area that remained continuously inhabited throughout the entire Village period, flourishing and maintaining a significant population, is the extent of the Karkheh River’s alluvial fan in the Sorkheh Plain, which comprises the western terraces of the northernmost part of the study area.
 
3. Conclusion 
An analysis of changes in the morphology of the Karkheh River basin shows that the river has shifted its course at least three times westwards (Veenenbos 1956), transforming its wide floodplain into its current state with the gradual change of its course between 1500 BCE and 500 CE (Kirkby 1977). Beyond the crucial role this main channel has played in attracting and shaping the settlements on its western bank, it seems that the linear pattern of the eastern section of WKR Region is not related to the present flow of the river, but was formed on the western terraces when the Karkheh flowed through its ancient course, the Shaur River. Therefore, considering the potential that the area between the Shaur and Karkheh rivers may have had for the establishment of Village period settlements (Map 6), it seems that the remains of this period in the region may not necessarily provide an accurate reflection of the distribution of the sites and the Village period settlement systems in the Western Karkheh Region.

Abstract Abstract
The Aras River and other waterways in the Moghan region have played a significant role in the development of prehistoric settlements. Despite this, the Moghan Plain has received relatively little archaeological attention compared to the extensive scientific investigations conducted in the Urmia Lake Basin. One exception is the Yatag Tepesi site in Germi, which has been the subject of systematic research. The primary aim of this article is to introduce the pottery traditions of the region and establish a chronological framework for the study area. To facilitate a more detailed understanding of cultural interactions with neighboring regions during the Chalcolithic period, the study poses the following research questions: based on the analysis of cultural materials, particularly ceramic assemblages, to which cultural period(s) can the study area be attributed? Furthermore, what cultural and geographical connections can be identified between the site of Yatag Tepesi and the surrounding region based on the archaeological evidence? The findings suggest that during the Chalcolithic period, the region exhibited strong cultural ties with other parts of northwestern Iran, particularly the Qarehdagh region, the Urmia Lake Basin, and the South Caucasus. The research employs fieldwork-based methods combined with a descriptive-analytical approach. The distinct characteristics of the ceramics and other cultural materials indicate significant cultural linkages with northwestern Iran. Chronologically, the site is dated to approximately 4500–3700/3600 BCE, underscoring its importance in constructing the broader cultural-historical framework of the region.
Keywords:  Yatag Tepesi, Moghan Plain, Germi, Chalcolithic period, Northwestern Iran.
 
1. Introduction
Due to its suitable conditions and special location, northwestern Iran has a sequence of settlements dating from prehistory to the Islamic period. This region of the Iranian plateau has long had an important place in prehistoric studies of Iran due to its proximity to cultural areas such as the South Caucasus, Anatolia, the Zagros, Mesopotamia and the Central Plateau of Iran. The Moghan Plain is located in northwestern Iran, west of the Caspian Sea and north of Ardabil province (northeastern Azerbaijan) and differs from other parts of Azerbaijan in terms of its geographical features. Yatag Tepesi is located nearest to Barzand Ghalasi, along the historical road “Gafgaz Yolu” in the Garmi district of Moghan (Figure 1). This fort is located in the middle of Barzand valley on the west bank of the Barzand Chai at an altitude of 493 meters above the sea level. The main purpose of this article is to introduce the traditions of pottery and to determine its chronological sequence in the study area. To facilitate a more detailed investigation of cultural interactions with neighboring regions and to establish a chronological framework for the studied geographical area during the Chalcolithic period, the following questions are posed. First, based on the analysis of cultural materials, particularly the ceramic assemblages from Yatag Tepesi, to which cultural period(s) can the site be attributed? The main hypothesis in this regard is that the site is related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) and Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) periods. Second, according to the archeological data obtained at the site of Yatag Tepesi, with which geographical areas does the site have more cultural connections? Studies show cultural connections and commonalities with other regions of northwestern Iran, especially with the Qaradagh region and the Lake Urmia basin, as well as the South Caucasus. The present study was conducted both through fieldwork and using a descriptive-analytical approach.
 
2. Discussion
Archaeological trenches at Barzand Ghalasi were done with the aim of determining the area and extent of the central citadel and its surroundings. A total of 11 test trenches were excavated on the hill known as Yatag Tepesi. Based on archaeological data obtained from Trench G, two cultural periods were observed. The second period is based on cultural data (potsherds, flint and obsidian tools (Table: 5), mortar and pestle (Figure: 5) and bone tools (Figure: 6) related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) (Figure 2) (Table: 1) and the Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) (Figure 3) (Table: 2) periods. According to preliminary studies, no data have been obtained from Yatag Tepesi related to the Early Chalcolithic period (Dalma culture). The most important archaeological data that can be dated to this period are ceramics. All the obtained pottery is handmade and the surface of the pottery is normally smooth and polished. Vessel forms vary, including shallow bowls, large bowls, storage containers and large cauldrons (open mouth utensils) and glasses / drinking bowls. Among the pottery, no type of painted pottery was found and from the last locus, a unique piece of pottery was found that belongs to the bottom of the pot / vat (Figure: 4), which has a diameter of 31 cm. According to anthropological evidence, open mouth containers are more compatible with containers dedicated to the storage of dry materials and given the availability of this type of utensils, it is possible that the people living at Yatag Tepesi in the Chalcolithic period relied on agricultural products. It is also possible that the presence of stone tools such as mortars and pestles could be related to agricultural activities, although the presence of animal bones and their residues, as well as the figurine of a cow may also confirm the existence of livestock.
 
3. Conclusion
Based on the excavation, two cultural periods have been identified at Yatag Tepesi, the second period of which is related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) and the Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) periods. All pottery is handmade and the surface of the pottery is normally smooth and polished. Vessels come in a variety of forms, including open-mouthed and narrow-mouthed, and most of the pottery obtained is of the open-mouthed type. Based on the faunal record, as well as a clay figurine that probably depicts a bovid, tools such as pestles, mortars and similar tools, we can ascribe the locus of excavation as a residential area. Additionally, the presence of straw impressions throughout all excavated layers down to the virgin soil suggests that the site may have functioned as a seasonal pastoral settlement. The cultural remains of the area belong to the Middle Chalcolithic / Pisdeli / LC 1 and Late Chalcolithic / LC 2-3 and chaff faced pottery. This period (Middle and Late Chalcolithic) is generally referred to in northwestern Iran as Hasanlu VIII. In absolute chronological terms, according to radiocarbon samples from the two sites of Dava Goz III and Kul Tepe VII and via relative chronological corroboration with other prehistoric sites belonging to the same period, the site likely dates to 4500-4200 BCE.

Abstract Abstract
Kaleh Kub, an ancient site located in the Sarayan district of eastern Iran’s South Khorasan province has been excavated since 2018, revealing evidence of Beveled Rim Bowls and other diagnostic pottery types attributed to the 4th millennium BCE. Kaleh Kub has a long sequence divided into four different periods, with cultural deposits attributed to the period of early urbanization, notably from the second period of this site, known as the cultural horizon of Susa II. Kaleh Kub is the easternmost site on the Iranian plateau where Beveled Rim Bowls have been found. Given the site’s importance in recognizing the distribution of this pottery type, this paper aims to structurally analyze clay samples and compare them with three sites index sites with similar technology: Chogha Mish, Abu Fandova, and Tall-e Iblis. The analysis found that while the construction technique of the pottery samples followed a similar pattern, their constituent structure was not similar, indicating different origins of construction materials. This suggests local production of Beveled Rim Bowls pottery at the Kaleh Kub site.
Keywords: Kaleh Kub, Tall-e Iblis, Chogha Mish, Abu Fandova, Petrography, XRF.
 
1. Introduction
Beveled Rim Bowls are handmade pottery vessels known for their rough, upturned rims, porous outer surfaces, and smoother inner surfaces shaped by damp hands. These bowls have been found in Mesopotamia, Iran, and parts of Pakistan, with numerous discoveries across various regions of the Iranian plateau. The Kaleh Kub site in eastern Iran is a significant prehistoric location where these bowls have been identified, dating from the 5th to the 2nd millennium BC. Archaeological layers from the 4th millennium BCE at Kaleh Kub contain various pottery types, including Beveled Rim Bowls, indicating potential local production.
The site’s archaeological studies suggest that the importation of these potsherds is unlikely due to its distance from similar cultural sites, such as the Pishva Pottery Mound and Mahtoot Abad. The presence of numerous Beveled Rim Bowls strengthens the hypothesis of local craftsmanship. Stratigraphic evidence shows that these bowls are located beneath Bronze Age cultural deposits, with noticeable chronological gaps between the 5th and 4th millennia and those of the later Bronze Age cultures, as indicated by radiocarbon dating.
Excavations at Kaleh Kub in 2018 revealed findings similar in pottery type and manufacturing methods to those from Mesopotamia and the Susa Plain, despite the geographic distance. This similarity underscores the significance of local production practices in the region. Overall, the evidence from Kaleh Kub highlights the cultural and historical context of Beveled Rim Bowls within the broader framework of ancient pottery in the Iranian plateau.
 
2. Sites Studied 
2-1. Kaleh Kub
The Kaleh Kub Aysk site is situated in the Sarayan District of South Khorasan Province, eastern Iran, at an elevation of 1,360 meters above sea level. The site is notable for the thickness of its cultural deposits, making it one of the few prehistoric sites in the province suitable for archaeological investigation (Fig. 1).
2-2. Chogha Mish
Chogha Mish is a prominent archaeological mound located in Khuzestan Province, flanked by the Dez and Karun rivers. The site features two ridges, with the taller ridge known as Tepe Boland, which rises about 27 meters above the plain. The shorter section, called the Terrace, stands approximately 9 to 10 meters high. Tepe Boland covers an area of 150 by 200 square meters, while the Terrace spans 300 by 400 square meters (Fig. 3).
2-3. Abu Fandova
Abu Fandova is located ca. 12 km south of Susa and consists of two main sections: a circular southern mound at about 80.75 meters elevation and a northern section with two shorter hills reaching approximately 75.30 meters. This site was surveyed by Robert McAdams in 1960-1961, who identified several cultural periods, including Middle Susa, Susa I, Susa II, Susa IV/D, and potentially the Kassite period (Adams, 1962).
2-4. Tall-e Iblis
Tall-e Iblis is located in the Bardsir Plain, about 80 km from Kerman, and covers over one hectare, measuring 120 by 100 meters. Initially described by Sir Aurel Stein in 1937, a photograph from 1932 shows that the site reached over 10 meters in height. In 1964, Joseph Caldwell identified six cultural periods at Tall-e Iblis, categorized based on pottery changes, labeled from 1 to 6 (Caldwell, 1967).
 
3. Laboratory Methods
A James Swift polarizing binocular microscope was employed for the microscopic analysis of the pottery samples. The magnification used in this study was set at 4x. For petrographic analysis, thin sections with a thickness of 30 microns were prepared for 25 pottery samples, which were subsequently examined using the James Swift polarizing microscope. All sections were prepared in the petrography laboratory of the Conservation and Restoration Research Institute.
 
4. Discussion, Petrographic Study
Quartz: Quartz is present in all examined samples and occurs in two forms: phenocrysts and polycrystalline, exhibiting angular margins within the clay matrix of the pottery. The abundance of quartz varies across the samples; in those from Kale Kub, it constitutes approximately 20-30% of the sample volume, while at Tall-e Iblis, it accounts for about 10%. In the two samples from Abu Fandova and Chogha Mish, quartz makes up 2-5% of the sample volume.
Calcite: Calcite is observed in the samples in two forms: micrite (fine crystal) and sparite (coarse crystal). Given the geological structure of the three study areas, calcite is present in primary sources across all locations. The absence of calcite in some samples can be attributed to the high firing temperatures of the pottery. An important aspect of evaluating the firing temperature of pottery is the presence of calcite and carbonate-based minerals in the clay paste, either as temper or as separate inclusions. Calcite serves as a significant thermal indicator; it and other carbonate compounds decompose at temperatures around 800 degrees Celsius. Notably, calcite is absent in Sample 11, suggesting that its firing temperature exceeded 800 degrees Celsius. In contrast, calcite is observed as separate inclusions in the paste of other samples, indicating that their firing temperatures were below 800 degrees Celsius. In samples K-10, T-20, CH-21, and AB-22, the calcite present in the paste is predominantly of the coarse-crystalline or sparite type.
4-2. Chemical Study
X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis of pottery samples from the Kale Kub site and others revealed various oxide compounds, including sodium oxide (Na₂O), magnesium oxide (MgO), aluminum oxide (Al₂O₃), silicon oxide (SiO₂), and several others. The analysis included samples from Kale Kub, Tell Iblis, Chogha Mish, and Abu Fandova, as well as soil from Kale Kub, with results expressed in weight percent (wt%) of oxide compounds.
The chemical analysis of Beveled Rim Bowls from Kale Kub showed a high concentration of silicon oxide, ranging from 54.7% to 64.4%. For pottery from Tell Iblis, the silicon oxide content was 58%, while it was 37% for Choghamish and 39.2% for Abu Fandova. The soil from Kale Kub contained 54.2% silicon oxide.
 
5. Discussion of the Results
The studied pottery primarily consists of quartz, identified through petrographic analyses. Quartz exists in two forms: single crystals, which is more common, and polycrystalline. Its varying content ranges from 3% to 10% in Kaleh Kub pottery, about 10% in Tell Iblis, and 2% to 5% in Chogha Mish and Abu Fandova. The angular edges of quartz fragments suggest they were added secondarily, indicating mining and grinding activities. The polycrystalline quartz points to granitic and metamorphic origins, implying the use of locally sourced soils. Some samples also show a coarse-grained texture, with calcite minerals present in both primary and secondary forms.
 
6. Conclusion
In comparative technological studies of ancient ceramics, chemical and mineralogical analyses provide crucial insights into the elemental compositions and minerals used in these artifacts. To trace clay origins, mineralogical comparisons with reference materials are essential. This study reveals that microscopic and chemical analyses, along with macroscopic examinations, show minimal variation in the Beveled Rim Bowls from the Kaleh Kub site in terms of composition and manufacturing techniques. Ancient potters likely employed similar methods and a limited range of raw materials. The potsherds from Tall-e Iblis, Chogha Mish, and Abu Fandova are entirely handmade and exhibit a similar manufacturing pattern, but their raw materials differ from those at Kaleh Kub. Thus, while the same technology and traditions were used, the origins of the potsherds suggest distinct regional affiliations.
 

Abstract Abstract
Understanding burial methods and interpreting how grave goods reflect the culture and beliefs about the afterlife, can give insight into past customs, religious beliefs, as well as social structures and complexities. With the emergence of urban centers and their expansion during the Early and Middle Bronze Ages, extensive trade relations and unique cultural interactions formed between the most important cultural hubs of the Iranian Plateau and Central Asia. This continued into the Late Bronze Age with the emergence of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)/Greater Khorasan Culture (GKC). During this period, specific burial traditions developed, the most important of which is the cenotaph. Understanding the general origin of cenotaphs is one of the main goals of the present research. These are graves that lack the skeletal remains of the deceased and likely served a memorial function. The formation of this tradition has been reported from the Early Bronze Age in southeastern Iran, in the cemeteries of Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, and Khunaman. In later periods, namely the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, it emerges as a widespread phenomenon in the eastern half of Iran and Central Asia. In this regard, the main research question is the “why” and “how” of this phenomenon and the mechanisms of its spread. The volume and number of cenotaphs excavated in numerous cultural regions and their provided chronologies help in analyzing the topic. The general hypothesis is based on the logic that, considering the quantitative and chronological analysis of the statistical population, the main origin of this tradition or burial method is attributed to the southeastern region of Iran, specifically the Early Bronze Age and the site of Shahr-i Sokhta in Sistan. This tradition then became prevalent in the Middle Bronze Age in the Khunaman and Shahdad cemeteries of Kerman and, finally, in line with cultural communications, the movement of people and ideas through the mechanisms of communication networks, indirect trade, and nomadic craftspeople, it spread widely in the regions of Central Asia during the Late Bronze Age.
Keywords:  Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex/Greater Khorasan, Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, Burial Traditions, Cenotaph.
 
1. Introduction
Understanding burial practices is crucial for deciphering the intangible dimensions of prehistoric cultures, reflecting the thoughts and socio-cultural structures of human societies. Graves hold significant archaeological, sociological, and anthropological information, providing valuable insights into the non-material aspects of past cultures. While archaeologists cannot fully reconstruct all facets and ideologies of human societies based solely on burial studies, recognizing burial methods and interpreting grave goods significantly illuminates the importance of interment, philosophical concepts regarding the afterlife, customs, religious beliefs, and social structures and complexities. The emergence of a novel type of grave lacking human remains the cenotaph represents a prevalent burial method in the Middle Asian region (including eastern Iran, Central Asia, Pakistan, Balochistan, the Makran region, and the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman). These are tombs without bodies, likely serving a memorial function and containing only grave goods. Known examples of cenotaphs in the southeast date back to the Early Bronze Age from Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, and Khunaman. In northeastern Iran and Central Asia, they are reported in the Late Bronze Age and are considered characteristic of the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC)/Greater Khorasan Culture (GKC). However, understanding the origins of the human communities associated with this culture and its characteristics remains a key unanswered question. Due to insufficient information and understanding of this burial tradition, and the lack of similar examples during the excavation of cemeteries like Khunaman and Shahdad, early excavators attributed the absence of skeletal remains to post-depositional processes such as water erosion from seasonal streams, soil salinity, and wind erosion. Diffusionist perspectives often attribute the origin of eastern Iranian cenotaphs to the BMAC/GKC, although their roots might be found in southeastern Iran during the Early Bronze Age.
 
2. Materials and Methods
The main objectives of the present research are to gain a general understanding of the origin of cenotaphs discovered in southeastern Iran during the Early to Middle Bronze Age, and subsequently their distribution across a wide area of eastern Iran, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, the coasts of the Persian Gulf, and the Makran region during the Late Bronze Age. Today, this burial tradition is recognized as part of the burial customs of Central Asia and Khorasan, particularly within the BMAC/GKC. 
 
3. Data
The study of cenotaphs and their origins in the southern region is a relatively new topic, with the statistical population comprising cenotaphs unearthed from the excavations of Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, and Khunaman. At Shahr-i Sokhta, six Early Bronze Age cenotaphs have been identified and analyzed as such by excavators (Seyed-Sajjadi, 2007: 122). The Shahdad cemetery was excavated over seven seasons between 1966-1976 CE by Ali Hakemi, followed by an additional season under Mir Abedin Kaboli in 1977 CE (see Eskandari, 2019: 64). According to Hakemi’s report, a total of 383 graves were excavated at Shahdad, the majority of which lacked skeletal remains, and many others contained only partial skeletal remains (Hakemi, 1997). In the Khunaman cemetery of Kerman, artifacts were discovered around the 1950s CE during earthmoving operations for the construction of a residence. Some of these artifacts were transferred to the British Museum, and a number are currently held in the Kerman Regional Museum. Subsequently, in the 1950s and 1960s CE, researchers’ attention was drawn back to the Khunaman cemetery, where John Curtis, after re-examining the absence of skeletal remains in the graves, did not consider it a significant issue, attributing the lack to post-depositional processes caused by natural factors, similar to the interpretation at Shahdad (Curtis, 1988). It is worth noting that related studies in northeastern Iran have also made attempts to study and determine the origins of cenotaphs (Iravani and Tahamsebi, 2018; Basafa, 2016).
 
4. Discussion
The discussion and analysis regarding the origin of cenotaphs and ideological issues indicate that this burial tradition without skeletal remains, likely with a memorial function, became prevalent in vast areas of eastern Iran, the Indus Valley, and Central Asia in the second half of the 2nd millennium BCE, coinciding with the Late Bronze Age and the BMAC/GKC. Although some attribute its origin to this culture and believe it spread to other regions, studies show that cenotaphs were first identified in southeastern Iran at the Shahdad site, dating back to the Early and Middle Bronze Ages. At that time, a lack of sufficient knowledge led excavators to attribute the absence of skeletal remains to natural factors such as floods and erosion.
Similar findings are observed in Khunaman, Kerman, indicating cultural homogeneity. In addition to southeastern Iran, pit-grave cenotaphs related to the Early and Middle Bronze Ages have also been discovered at Shahr-i Sokhta in Sistan. In Central Asia, at sites like Gonur Depe and Ulug Depe, cenotaphs with catacomb, cist, and pit-grave structures with specific Late Bronze Age architecture have been found. In Khorasan and the northeast, examples of simple and burnt pit-grave cenotaphs have also been identified at sites such as Tepe Hissar and Shahrak-e Firozeh.
The abundance of cenotaphs at Shahdad is significantly higher than in other regions, and their chronology, dating from 3100 to 1900 BCE, suggests deep roots of this tradition in southeastern Iran. Challenges related to the lack of proper understanding of the cenotaph burial pattern and insufficient reporting in early excavations at Shahdad and Khunaman are also evident.
Considering the extensive Bronze Age trade connections between Central Asian urban centers and the hubs of Shahdad and Shahr-i Sokhta, cultural similarities, including the cenotaph burial method, have led to hypotheses regarding migration or cultural exchange. The importance of cenotaphs increases in the Late Bronze Age in the northeast and Central Asia, but their prevalence in Central Asian sites such as Gonur Depe is relatively low. This, considering the chronology, suggests that southeastern Iran was likely the primary origin of this phenomenon. The discovery of cenotaphs at Gonur Depe in Turkmenistan, a major center of the BMAC, shows a close connection with Shahdad in southeastern Iran, with the difference that Gonur Depe examples are limited to the Late Bronze Age, while those at Shahdad date back to the Early and Middle Bronze Ages.
From an ideological perspective, it appears that new rituals and beliefs emerged in the Late Bronze Age. Sarianidi associates the burials of Gonur Depe with Zoroastrian ideas, considering Zoroastrian doctrines regarding the non-pollution of earth and specific mortuary practices. Innovations in the structure of cenotaphs are also observed in the Late Bronze Age; for instance, while Shahdad features pit-grave structures, Gonur Depe exhibits cist and catacomb cenotaphs, indicating the evolution of this burial tradition based on the customs and ideologies of different Central Asian societies.
 
5. Conclusion
The cenotaph burial practice, prevalent across eastern Iran, Central Asia, and the Indus Valley within the BMAC/GKC sphere during the Late Bronze Age, has been investigated for its origins based on excavated numbers, chronologies, and grave structures. This study reveals the cenotaph burial tradition as indigenous to southeastern Iran, notably at Shahr-i Sokhta (Early Bronze Age) and the Khunaman and Shahdad cemeteries (Early and Middle Bronze Ages). Through various, not fully understood mechanisms including migration, political alliances, mobile specialists, and the transmission of beliefs and ideologies via networks this tradition widely diffused into BMAC-influenced regions during the Late Bronze Age. Over time, it integrated with local customs and structures, culminating in innovative burial forms like cist and catacomb cenotaphs in Turkmenistan, particularly at Gonur Depe. Challenging the traditionally unidirectional view of BMAC/GKC interactions, recent archaeological studies in eastern Iran suggest a re-evaluation, proposing potential influences from the Iranian plateau towards Central Asia during the Late Bronze Age. Previous research on BMAC/GKC cultural connections focused on iconography and homogeneous prestige goods from burial contexts. This research infers the indigenous origin of the cenotaph burial culture throughout the Bronze Age phases in southeastern Iran, specifically at Shahr-i Sokhta and prominently at Shahdad. Through diffusion and communication, encompassing both material (burial structures) and spiritual (customs and ideologies) aspects, this practice influenced neighboring regions, notably Central Asia and areas under BMAC influence in eastern Iran and Central Asia. This highlights a potentially more complex and multi-directional interaction between these cultural spheres than previously assumed.

Abstract Abstract
Shahr-i Sokhta occupies a distinctive and significant position among the archaeological sites of the third millennium BCE on the Iranian Plateau due to the richness and diversity of its cultural materials. The extensive array of artifacts recovered from the site provides valuable resources for investigating the behaviors, worldviews, and technological capabilities of humans during a formative historical period particularly in relation to challenges still present in contemporary industry, such as textile production. A key avenue for exploring this cultural complexity lies in the study of textiles recovered from the site. By analyzing the types of fibers and weaving techniques employed, as well as the associated tools used in textile production, researchers can gain insight into the innovative practices and material culture of the inhabitants. These artifacts narrate the ingenuity and functional artistry of the community, revealing how tools were utilized and how textiles were crafted. This study employs a descriptive-comparative methodology to examine the most representative examples of woven textiles, using morphological imaging, tables, and diagrams. These samples are comparatively analyzed in terms of their structure, function, and congruence with the tools found at the site. Moreover, the study draws parallels with contemporary analogues, aiming to reconstruct and illustrate aspects of everyday life in the Bronze Age. Through this approach, the research seeks to revive an understanding of Shahr-i Sokhta’s cultural environment and to highlight the role of its inhabitants as artist-craftsmen within the broader context of early textile industry development.
Keywords: Shahr-i- Sokhta, Archaeological Textiles, Weaving Tools, Bronze Age, Textile Heritage.
 
1. Introduction
Undoubtedly, Sistan was one of the first parts of Iran that played an important role in the formation of ancient civilizations. Near the end of the Helmand River, there are low but wide hills called Shahr-i Sokhta, which is one of the largest urban centers in ancient Iran (Seyyed Sajjadi 2018: 322). The study of cultural materials related to textiles and weaving, while important to understanding this site, has not previously been conducted.
The archaeological site of Shahr-i Sokhta is situated adjacent to an ancient delta, which today is heavily covered by sand, rendering its original features difficult to discern. Additionally, due to prevailing west-to-east wind patterns, the site has experienced significant erosion, particularly in its western section. Continuous exposure to wind currents has led to a decrease in elevation on the western side, while the eastern portion retains a comparatively higher elevation. The erosion has also caused sharp, vertical cuts along the walls of the mound, shaped primarily by water action.
The mounds of Shahr-i Sokhta extend in a generally north-south orientation, with an approximate length of 2,220 meters and a width of around 1,090 meters (Biscione et al., 1977, p. 104). Cultural and archaeological remains are distributed across an area of roughly 151 hectares, making it the largest known prehistoric settlement in the eastern Iranian Plateau. Over the 4,000 years since its abandonment, the site has been significantly altered by natural erosive forces, such as the strong Sistan winds and seasonal rainfall.
 
2. Discussion
Shahr-i Sokhta represents not only one of the most prominent cities of the Iranian Plateau but also serves as a vast laboratory within a compact desert environment. The study of cultural materials at the site extends beyond traditional archaeological inquiries. Through the examination of diverse artifacts, scholars can trace the development of multiple fields of knowledge and technology on the plateau. These include, but are not limited to: archaeology, sociology, trade and international exchange, the history of religion, settlement and urbanization, architecture, traditional arts and crafts, writing systems, medicine and its allied sciences, zoology, nutrition, agriculture, animal husbandry, entomology, botany, geology, metallurgy, ceramics, jewelry-making, weaving, and woodworking.
The city can be divided into three main sectors and three subsidiary zones: (1) a central core encompassing both the eastern and central residential quarters and associated monuments; (2) a northwestern industrial zone; and (3) a southern cemetery area (Biscione et al., 1974, p. 104).
The architectural remains of the residential sector reveal an organized spatial layout, with buildings and housing units separated by alleys and streets. Construction materials include adobe, clay, wood, and matting. Residential units typically consist of six to ten rooms, outfitted with doors, thresholds, stairways, floors, ceilings, ovens, and in some instances, animal mangers.
A wide variety of portable objects have been recovered from the site. In addition to ceramic vessels, noteworthy finds include human and animal figurines fashioned from clay and stone, wooden and woven artifacts, textile tools, fragments of cloth and rope, seals and seal impressions, personal ornaments, and utilitarian tools. Among the more distinguished items are marble vessels, stone handles, and polished stones of Asian origin. Many decorative objects were crafted from imported semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli, agate, and turquoise sourced from distant mining regions and transported to Shahr-i Sokhta. These materials, particularly lapis lazuli, were cut and shaped by local artisans and subsequently exported to distant lands, including regions beyond the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia, as part of long-distance trade networks.
Stone materials such as marble, basalt, and limestone were used to manufacture tools, beads, and various types of vessels. A significant number of seals and seal impressions made from diverse materials have been uncovered, indicating their administrative and official functions. Among the most important discoveries are two clay tablets: one inscribed with early Elamite script and the other marked with a series of numerical figures and a seal impression (Sajjadi and Moradi, 2022, pp. 101–109).
Today, the study and analysis of ancient artifacts is a crucial means of reconstructing past lifeways and understanding key socio-economic practices of earlier periods. One such area of investigation is the domestication and breeding of various animal species for the purpose of acquiring fibers such as down, wool, and hair for textile production (Strand, 2010b). As the corpus of documented ancient artifacts grows, so too does the body of historical, artistic, and cultural knowledge available to archaeologists, historians, and specialists across disciplines. Within this broader framework, the study of textiles and associated weaving tools from Shahr-i Sokhta constitutes a particularly significant area of inquiry, owing to the substantial number of preserved textile fragments found at the site.
To date, approximately 350 textile fragments from Shahr-i Sokhta have been cataloged as part of conservation and restoration efforts (Helali Esfahani, 2010). Alongside these, a number of wooden weaving implements have also been recovered. These tools are essential for understanding the techniques of textile production at the site. Notably, some of the weaving patterns observed in these fragments appear to correspond to techniques recognizable in modern textile practices, offering valuable comparative opportunities (Costantini et al., 2007 [1386]: 339–348). This article focuses specifically on the abundance and diversity of textile-related materials uncovered at Shahr-i Sokhta, which position the site as a uniquely rich source of prehistoric textile evidence.
All fabric samples examined in this study have undergone technical analyses of their fibers, which were categorized into several primary and secondary groups. Key criteria included the type of fiber, spinning technique, and fiber color. In terms of weaving analysis, the classification was based on the structural characteristics of the weave and evidence for intended use (Helali Esfahani, 2009). The central aim of this research is to present aspects of daily life in Shahr-i Sokhta during the third millennium BCE through a detailed examination of fabric types and the tools used in their production.
Previous studies on Shahr-i Sokhta’s textiles have investigated both the variety and abundance of fiber types. For instance, Irene Good has examined fiber analysis in order to reconstruct patterns of animal domestication and biodiversity relevant to textile use (Good, 1999). Similarly, Lorenzo Costantini and colleagues have explored warp types, spinning stages, and several weaving patterns evident in the recovered materials (Costantini et al., 2007 [1386]: 339–340).
This article is the outcome of fieldwork conducted by the author, who served as site supervisor for three excavation seasons at Shahr-i Sokhta. During these campaigns, fiber types, spinning methods, and physical properties of the approximately 350 preserved fabric fragments were systematically documented and analyzed. It is important to note that no comprehensive research in Iran has yet matched prehistoric textile tools and fabrics from Shahr-i Sokhta with their modern analogues. As such, this article represents the first systematic attempt in Iranian archaeology to establish such correlations.
 
3. Conclusion
While similar analyses have been conducted at other archaeological sites internationally often focusing on tool typologies and their temporal contexts these studies have generally treated tools and fabrics in isolation, without integrating them into a comparative analysis with modern textile production (Olofsson et al., 2015). No analogous study exists, either in traditional or industrial textile contexts, that explicitly traces the technological continuity between prehistoric weaving practices and contemporary textile methods. Therefore, this research offers a novel approach, combining archaeological data with comparative textile studies to reconstruct the technological and cultural significance of textile production in Shahr-i Sokhta.

Abstract Abstract
Divine kingship served as a means of asserting legitimacy in the Ancient Near East, where rulers not only claimed divine descent or representation but also presented themselves as gods. Historical evidence suggests that the first formal instance of divine kingship appeared during the Old Akkadian period, with Naram-Sin, who reigned from approximately 2261 to 2206 BCE. This era, known as the Sargonic or Old Akkadian period, marked the initial attempt at political unification in ancient Mesopotamia and established a lasting tradition of kingship. As a result, divine kingship holds particular significance when studying the political traditions of that time. Naram-Sin’s role as the pioneer of this ideology is especially intriguing, as it sparked a trend, albeit a superficial one, of divine kingship in the ancient Near East. Although research on Naram-Sin’s divinity is limited, with scholars often focusing on later traditions, this study aims to explore Naram-Sin’s role as the originator of this tradition. The paper will examine various aspects of divine kingship during the Old Akkadian period, including the political processes that led Naram-Sin to claim divinity, the nature of his divine status, his objectives, the origins and causes behind his actions, and the lasting impact he had on Mesopotamian political tradition.
Keywords: Naram-Sin, Akkad, Divine Kingship, Mesopotamia, Legitimacy.
 
1. Introduction
Naram-Sin was a prominent Akkadian king who reigned during the 23rd century BCE, known for his military conquests and efforts to solidify the Akkadian Empire’s dominance in Mesopotamia. As the grandson of Sargon of Akkad, his reign marked the empire’s peak, both territorially and culturally. Naram-Sin’s most notable achievement was his self-deification, a move unprecedented for Mesopotamian rulers, as he declared himself a god-king, symbolized by the horned crown he wore in his depictions. This act of deification not only elevated his status above other kings but also marked a profound shift in the relationship between the divine and the mortal in Mesopotamian culture. His victory stele, the “Stele of Naram-Sin,” celebrates his triumph over the Lullubi people and serves as a testament to his military prowess and divine status. The stele’s imagery, which depicts Naram-Sin ascending a mountain and trampling his enemies underfoot, reinforces his godlike stature and the idea of his divine right to rule.
Despite his successes, his reign is also associated with later Mesopotamian traditions of divine retribution, as subsequent generations viewed the empire’s eventual decline as a result of his hubris. This perception of divine retribution was reflected in later Mesopotamian literature and religious thought, where Naram-Sin’s actions were often cited as a cautionary tale against the dangers of excessive pride and overreach. Naram-Sin’s legacy is a complex blend of military triumph, religious innovation, and the lasting impact on Mesopotamian culture and history.
 
2. Discussion
Naram-Sin’s decision to deify himself was driven by a combination of political, religious, military, and cultural motivations. These motivations can be categorized into the following areas:
1. Political Legitimacy and Authority. Consolidation of Power: By declaring himself a god, Naram-Sin sought to elevate his status above all other rulers and reinforce his absolute Authority. In a hierarchical society where divine favor was essential for kingship, self-deification was a way to legitimize his rule and ensure that his power was seen as divinely sanctioned. Supremacy over Religious Institutions: Traditional religious Authorities, such as priests and temple elites, held significant power in Mesopotamian society. By becoming a god, Naram-Sin could assert control over these institutions, reducing their influence and centralizing power within his own hands.
2. Religious and Cultural Innovation. Breaking Tradition: Naram-Sin’s self-deification represented a significant departure from Mesopotamian religious tradition, where kings were seen as chosen by the gods but not divine themselves. This act positioned him as a transformative figure, one who redefined the relationship between the divine and the earthly. Symbol of a New Era: The Akkadian Empire under Naram-Sin was at its zenith, and his self-deification symbolized the empire’s unprecedented power and reach. It was a cultural statement that reflected the empire’s dominance and the king’s role as the embodiment of Akkadian supremacy.
3. Military Prowess and Propaganda. Projection of Invincibility: Naram-Sin’s military victories, especially his conquest of the Lullubi, were celebrated as evidence of his divine favor. By declaring himself a god, he reinforced the idea that his successes were not just the result of human skill but were preordained by the divine, making him seem invincible. Discouraging Rebellion: A divine king would be seen as unchallengeable, both by external enemies and by potential internal dissenters. The aura of divinity served as a psychological tool to maintain order and discourage opposition to his rule.
4. Personal Ambition and Legacy. Desire for Eternal Fame: By becoming a god, Naram-Sin ensured that his name and achievements would be remembered for eternity. This move was not just about ruling in the present but also about securing a lasting legacy, as his divine status would place him among the pantheon of gods worshipped for generations. Precedent Setting: Naram-Sin’s self-deification set a precedent for future rulers, both within Mesopotamia and beyond, as an example of the extent to which a king could elevate himself. It reflected his ambition to be seen not just as a great king, but as a figure of cosmic significance.
5. Response to Challenges. Crisis Management: Some scholars suggest that Naram-Sin’s self-deification might have been a response to crises, such as natural disasters or military threats, that could have been interpreted as signs of divine displeasure. By becoming a god, he could claim direct control over these forces, reassuring his people and maintaining his rule during difficult times.
The present paper argues that Naram-Sin’s deification was a multifaceted strategy that served to reinforce his power, innovate culturally, project military dominance, and secure his legacy as a ruler of unparalleled stature in Mesopotamian history. His bold move to declare himself a god not only solidified his reign but also set a template for future rulers who sought to merge divine authority with earthly power.
 
3. Conclusion
The paper also contends that Naram-Sin was likely the first Mesopotamian king to officially declare himself a god during his lifetime, marking a major departure from the traditional roles of kingship in the region. Prior to Naram-Sin, Mesopotamian rulers were typically viewed as individuals who were divinely chosen or favored by the gods, serving as intermediaries between the gods and the people. These kings were believed to possess a special connection to the divine, often performing religious duties and ensuring the favor of the gods for their city-states or empires. However, they were not considered deities themselves.
Naram-Sin’s decision to elevate himself to the status of a god was a bold and unprecedented move that challenged these established norms. By proclaiming himself a god, Naram-Sin was asserting that his authority was not merely granted by the gods but was inherent in his very being. This self-deification was symbolized in various ways, most notably by his adoption of the horned crown, a symbol traditionally reserved for deities in Mesopotamian iconography. This crown, often depicted in his statues and reliefs, signified his divine status and set him apart from all previous rulers. This innovation in kingship had far-reaching implications for the future of Mesopotamian and broader Near Eastern political traditions. Naram-Sin’s self-deification set a precedent for later rulers, who saw the potential benefits of adopting divine status as a means of legitimizing and strengthening their rule. While not all subsequent kings followed in his footsteps, his example remained a powerful symbol of the intersection between divine and royal authority in the ancient world.

Abstract Abstract
This study examines and classifies Iron Age pottery from Nay Tappeh, a site in the Gorgan Plain, the historically known region of Hyrcania (Varkaneh). Hyrcania, one of the most significant archaeological regions in the Iranian cultural sphere, has been the research focus for over a century. However, fundamental questions remain, particularly regarding Iron Age pottery’s forms, chronology, and cultural links to the region’s Bronze Age traditions. This article presents a detailed analysis of pottery recovered from rescue excavations at Nay Tappeh, conducted by J. Nokandeh. The study follows a three-stage methodology: classification, analysis, and interpretation. Its primary objective is to explore the relationship between Nay Tappeh’s pottery and Bronze Age Hyrcanian pottery while comparing it with Iron Age pottery from the Gorgan Plain, Dehistan, the Central Plateau, and other Iron Age archaeological regions of Iran. The ceramics from Nay Tappeh have been categorized into 25 main groups, classified under two broad types: open-mouthed and closed-mouthed vessels. These forms exhibit striking similarities with pottery from Archaic Dehistan, North Khorasan, Semnan, Mazandaran, Gilan, and western Iran. Comparative analysis suggests that the pottery of Nay Tappeh dates to the late Iron Age II, Iron Age III, and the early Achaemenid period. Despite gradual changes over time, these pottery forms maintain strong ties to Bronze Age traditions, reflecting a sense of cultural continuity in the region.
Keywords: Hyrcania, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Nay Tappeh, Pottery Classification. 
 
1. Introduction
The region of Varkaneh/Hyrcania (Fig. 1) is one of the most significant archaeological areas within the Iranian cultural sphere. Despite over a century of research, many fundamental questions remain unanswered, particularly regarding the comprehensive classification of Iron Age pottery and its chronological connection to the Bronze Age in the same region.
This article focuses on the classification of pottery recovered from rescue excavations at Nay Tappeh in the Gorgan Plain, conducted by J. Nokandeh. The excavation reached the natural soil layers, uncovering artifacts dating to the Iron Age (Fig. 2).
In archaeology, the study of pottery assemblages typically involves three stages: classification, analysis, and interpretation. While “classification” and “typology” are often used interchangeably, typology is generally considered a more specific form of classification. This study follows these three stages, giving special attention to the continuity of pottery forms from the first half of the second millennium BCE. This focus is driven by the striking similarities between the pottery of Nay Tappeh and that of Archaic Dehistan, which some scholars associate with earlier pottery traditions in the Gorgan Plain and surrounding regions. Additionally, this research seeks to explore the broader cultural geography of Iron Age pottery in the Gorgan Plain, Archaic Dehistan, and other key areas within the Iranian cultural sphere.
The value of this study lies in its potential to bridge gaps in our understanding of cultural transitions in Hyrcania, a region historically positioned at the crossroads of civilizations. By examining pottery forms, we can trace not only technological and artistic developments but also the movement of people and ideas across time and space.
 
2. Materials and Methods
This investigation combines a morphological analysis of pottery with the creation of a comparative database. The primary goal is to trace the evolution of Iron Age pottery forms from the Late Bronze Age by comparing them with earlier Hyrcanian pottery. Furthermore, the study compares pottery from Nay Tappeh with Iron Age assemblages from the Gorgan Plain, Dehistan, the Central Plateau, and western and northwestern Iran.
The research seeks to address three main questions: What are the formal similarities between Nay Tappeh pottery and Bronze Age Hyrcanian pottery? Based on comparative analysis, where does Nay Tappeh fit within the Iron Age chronology of Iran? How can the similarities and changes in pottery forms be interpreted in the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in this region? To achieve these objectives, the study employs a comparative approach based on typological analysis. Additionally, comparative studies have been conducted using pottery from sites excavated during the Gorgan Wall excavation projects. This integrated methodology provides a more comprehensive understanding of the pottery’s cultural and chronological context.
 
3. Data
Pottery constitutes the majority of artifacts found at Nay Tappeh and has been classified into 25 main groups based on morphology. These groups are divided into two primary categories: open-mouthed and close-mouthed vessels, with an additional category for kitchenware. These categories are then compared with Bronze Age pottery from Hyrcania and Iron Age pottery from northern Iran (Plates 1-3, Table 1).
The pottery forms from Nay Tappeh show remarkable similarities to those from ancient Dehistan and align closely with examples documented by scholars such as Arne (1945), Deshayes (1969), Olson and Thornton (2019), Schmidt (1937), Salzman (2014), Abbasi (2011), Mahforozi and Piller (2009), Ghasemi (2017), and Khlopin (1983, 2002). These scholars have identified similar forms in Late Bronze Age sites such as Shah Tappeh IIa, Turang Tappeh IIIc, Hesar IIIc, Narges Tappeh, and Gohar Tappeh. Notably, some forms resemble those attributed by Deshayes (1969) to the IIIb period of Tureng Tappeh, including dishes, simple and carinated bowls, bowls with obliquely cut rims, spouted bowls, deep bowls, lids, various pots, teapots, and kitchenware.
The pottery forms from Nay Tappeh also exhibit strong parallels with contemporaneous assemblages from Dehistan, North Khorasan, Semnan, Mazandaran, Gilan, the Central Plateau, and western and northwestern Iran. Additionally, two distinctive forms tripods and bowls with horizontal handles appear in the Nay Tappeh assemblage. These forms first emerged in the mid-second millennium BCE at sites such as Pardis and Seram on the Central Plateau.
The presence of these unique forms suggests a degree of regional specialization, possibly linked to specific functional or cultural practices. For example, tripods may have been used for cooking over open flames, while bowls with horizontal handles could have served ceremonial purposes. However, such interpretations require further contextual evidence to confirm.
Based on comparative analysis, the pottery from Nay Tappeh can be dated to the late Iron Age II, Iron Age III, and the early Achaemenid period (Table 1). At the same time, these forms demonstrate clear continuity with Bronze Age traditions despite undergoing evolutionary changes. If we rely solely on published pottery evidence and absolute dates, it appears that between approximately 2100 and 1600 BCE, Bronze Age cultures in the region maintained earlier pottery traditions while introducing new forms. However, this period also marked a transitional phase, often characterized as a decline, which eventually led to the emergence of Iron Age I. Following this transition, a gap of approximately 100 to 200 years is observed before the onset of Iron Age II and III cultures, which left a distinct archaeological footprint across the region.
 
4. Discussion
This study demonstrates that, despite gradual changes, the pottery forms from Nay Tappeh maintain a strong connection to Bronze Age traditions, reflecting cultural continuity in the region. The findings underscore the significance of Nay Tappeh as a key site for understanding the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in Hyrcania and its broader cultural connections within the Iranian sphere.
The pottery from Nay Tappeh provides valuable insights into the cultural and chronological developments in Hyrcania during this transition. The classification of 25 main groups of pottery, divided into open-mouthed and closed-mouthed vessels, reveals significant similarities with contemporaneous assemblages from Dehistan, North Khorasan, Semnan, Mazandaran, Gilan, and western Iran. The presence of distinctive forms, such as tripods and bowls with horizontal handles, further highlights the cultural interactions between the Gorgan Plain and the Central Plateau during the second millennium BCE.
One of the most intriguing aspects of this study is the evidence of cultural resilience in Hyrcania. Despite external influences and internal changes, the region’s pottery traditions exhibit a remarkable degree of continuity. This resilience may be attributed to the region’s geographical isolation, which allowed it to preserve its cultural identity while selectively adopting external innovations.
 
5. Conclusion
The dating of Nay Tappeh pottery to the late Iron Age II, Iron Age III, and early Achaemenid period, alongside its continuity with Bronze Age traditions, underscores the region’s cultural resilience and adaptability. This study not only contributes to the understanding of Iron Age pottery in Hyrcania but also emphasizes the need for further research to address unresolved questions regarding the region’s archaeological chronology and cultural geography.
Future research should focus on expanding the comparative database to include more sites from neighboring regions. Such approaches could provide deeper insights into the functional and symbolic roles of pottery in ancient Hyrcanian society.

Abstract Abstract
Qala Kohzad was built on the heights of Weyzenhar/Veyzenyar Mountain in the southwest of Roumeshgan plain (western Lorestan). The archeological excavation of the site in the late 1960s revealed a series of architectural units made of stone rubble and plaster mortar measuring 17x38m. These spaces consist of two domed chahar-taq rooms with a cruciform plan, a quadrangular hall with corridors on its northern and southern sides, and some other facilities. The use of features such as decorative columns, plasterwork with a rose pattern, some interventions in architectural elements and bronze sculptures of unknown origin, led the explorer of the area to believe that the building of the Qala-Kohzad could be categorized as among the “mithraeums left from the beginning of Parthian rule.” However, the structural characteristics and the arrangement of architectural spaces, along with other evidence obtained from the building (namely, ceramics), do not confirm this assessment. In the current research, by combining the information obtained from the field survey and library sources, an attempt is made to shed light on the uncertainties about the function and chronology of the building as much as possible. Research findings and existing archaeological evidence show that the monument of Qala-Kohzad is not particularly related to a Mithraeum or an Anahita Temple. In fact, the remains of architecture or symbols and signs that can be used to prove the worship of the god Mithra or Anahita in Qala-Kohzad have not been found. The technical characteristics of the building, such as the use of curved arches and the use of conical philiposhes for erecting domes, along with the typology of the pottery samples, indicate that building belongs to the Sassanid period. The monument’s plan and the arrangement of architectural units, such as the combination of domed cruciform chambers with circular corridors and central hall, evokes the common pattern of fire temples of the Sassanid period. The existence of the remains of the base of the fireplace and the cubic-rectangular platforms in the interior of the chahar-taq of Qala Kohzad can be understood in the direction of performing religious ceremonies in connection with Zoroastrianism.
Keywords: Roumeshgan, Qala Kohzad, Mehrabeh, Fire Temple, Parthian and Sassanid Periods.
 
1. Introduction
The Qala Kohzad complex, located on the top of Veyzenhar mount at the westernmost edge of the Rumeshgan Plain, is one of the most significant architectural remains in Rumeshkan County and Lorestan Province. Archaeological excavations in 1988 uncovered an interconnected architectural complex consisting of two chahar-taqs surrounded by rooms, a central hall, corridors, and a columned vestibule, all built with rubble stone and gypsum mortar (Motamedi, 1992). Despite extensive excavations that revealed a substantial portion of the site’s architectural structures and a large number of cultural artifacts, these valuable findings have not been utilized to analyze the function and chronology of this important structure. Researchers such as Motamedi (Motamedi, 1992: 10) and Hassanpour (Hassanpour, 2010: 98) have proposed that Qala Kohzad was originally a mithraeum from the early Parthian period, later converted into a fire temple during the Sasanian era with minor architectural modifications. However, a more detailed assessment of the site’s architectural evidence and archaeological finds does not support this hypothesis. Therefore, this study aims to review all available evidence to complement previous studies and address the historical and functional significance of this important structure. The primary research question is: What was the function of the Qala Kohzad, and in what period was it constructed? The research hypothesis suggests that the architectural structure and spatial organization of Qala Kohzad do not align with Mithraic religious sites but rather correspond to the architectural characteristics of Sasanian fire temples. This study adopts a historical-analytical approach, gathering data through field visits and documentary research.
 
2. Data
The overall architectural composition of the site consists of a series of interconnected spaces extending along an east-west axis, measuring 38 meters in length and 17 meters in width (Fig. 2 & 3). The complex comprises two interconnected chahar-taqs (situated at the center and west), a rectangular hall, and several roofed spaces along the northern and southern sides of the hall. The entrance is located on the eastern side and was accessed via a staircase leading to the hall. The structures are built from rubble stone and gypsum mortar. The western/external chahar-taq of Kohzad is a cruciform space measuring 8.20×7.20 meters with two entrances on its northern and southern sides. Its core consists of four massive piers, measuring 1.2×4.2 meters (western piers) and 1.6×4.2 meters (eastern piers), supporting a dome - now-ruined. Interior elements of this structure include two flooring layers, a gypsum column base shaped like a truncated pyramid with grooves, a rectangular stone and gypsum platform adorned with star motifs, concentric circles, and floral patterns on its exterior surface. The central chahartaq features a cruciform plan with dual northern and southern entrances, a western platform, and a tiered central platform showing evidence of repeated fire use. To the east of the central chahar-taq lies a rectangular hall extending from east to west, flanked on the north and south by two vaulted corridors measuring 2×13 meters. A narrow partition divides the southern corridor into eastern and western sections, each with access points leading to the hall and the southern chamber of the central chahar-taq. Similarly, the northern corridor is divided into two sections by a narrow wall in its central portion.
 
3. Discussion
According to Motamedi, “Qala Kohzad was initially built as a Mithraeum for the worship of Mithra and possibly Anahita. During the Sasanian period, it was slightly modified to function as a fire temple. He attributes the central chahar-taq to Mithraic worship and the external/western chahar-taq to Anahita” (Motamedi, 1992: 10). His conclusion is based on cultural artifacts, including bronze figurines and decorative gypsum elements. However, to the best of our knowledge, no structure in Iran has been definitively identified as a mithraeum. The few possible examples, such as cave-like structures and architectural elements at sites like Zahhak Castle (Hashtrud), Mehr Gosaedi, and Mohammadabad Dashtestan, generally consist of corridors, multiple chambers, and main and subsidiary halls arranged in a linear fashion. A comparison of these sites with Qala Kohzad highlights more differences than similarities. Furthermore, the decorative elements found in Kohzad’s chahar-taqs (such as fluted grooves and floral motifs) do not appear in any known Mithraic sites. The chahar-taq structures and surrounding corridors in Qala Kohzad strongly suggest a religious function consistent with Sasanian fire temples. The site shares significant architectural similarities with other Sasanian fire temples such as Chen-Jiyeh (Vanden Berghe, 1977: 182), Kalak-Tamarkhow (Yousefvand & Miri, 2019), Palang Gerd (Khosravi et al., 2018: 283), Shiyan (Rezvani, 2006), and Mil-Milagah (Moradi, 2009: 179). Additionally, the presence of rectangular platforms and fire altar bases inside both chahar-taqs further supports this interpretation. The typology of the site’s architecture, including the chahar-taq design, spatial arrangement, vaulting techniques, and associated pottery, all point to a Sasanian-period construction.
 
4. Conclusion
The Qala Kohzad, located on Mount Veyzenhar southwest of the Rumeshgan Plain, consists of a large architectural complex featuring two domed chahar-taqs, a rectangular hall, surrounding corridors, a main entrance, a vestibule, and multiple rooms, all built using rubble stone and gypsum mortar. No substantial proof of Mithraic or Anahita worship has been found at the site. Instead, the architectural layout-including domed cruciform chahar-taqs, a central hall, and circumambulatory corridors- closely resembles Sasanian fire temples. Structural elements, such as fire altar bases and rectangular platforms, further confirm the site’s religious function within the Zoroastrian tradition. The construction techniques, including the use of rubble stone set in semi-milled gypsum mortar, massive piers, barrel vaults, and concave squinches, along with pottery typology, all indicate a Sasanian origin. Given the architectural consistency of Qaleh Kohzad with other Sasanian fire temples, it is concluded that Qala Kohzad was initially built as a fire temple during the Sasanian period.

Abstract Abstract
During the Sassanid period, due to the prosperity of Zoroastrian religion, religious buildings were built in the form of four-story fire temples. These fire temples included four-room domed spaces and sometimes had a surrounding portico, which had a fireplace base built into the middle part of the building. The fires of these fire temples were based on their rank and importance including Bahram fire, Adran fire, court fire and then household and personal fires. Despite extensive studies in other parts of Iran, few studies have been conducted regarding the manifestations of Zoroastrian religion, including the structure of fire temples and fire pits on the shores of the Persian Gulf and the determination of the type and importance of the fires burning in them. On the northern shores of the Persian Gulf, which is considered the southern part of Fars study area, only two fire temples of Mohammad Abad, Brazjan and Kanari fire temple have been identified and introduced, Also, a number of fire pit foundations have been introduced in Tell Shahid, Barazjan Castle, Amamzadeh Shah Nooruddin, Keshto and more in Bardestan. Despite the identification of these works, there is not much information about the position and rank of the burning fire in these religious centers. In this article, while briefly referring to fire temples and the base of exposed fire pits on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf (Bushehr province), the Sassanid period seal from Bardestan that shows the burning fire in state fire temples at the level of Azar fire temple. Farnbagh is studied in this area. The abundance of fire pit foundations, the remains of several fire temples and the identification of this seal with inscriptions all around and the Sassanid government mark in the middle part of the seal indicate the centrality of Bardestan in the Zoroastrianism of the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf during the Sassanid period. The present research was formed by using the information obtained from archaeological investigations and accidental discoveries in the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf and was completed with the benefit of library studies.
Keywords: Fireplace, The Base of the Fireplace, Pahlavi Inscription, Sassanid Period, Persian Gulf.
 
1. Introduction
The rank and importance of Sassanid fires were not the same and there were three groups of fires related to rituals, including Bahram fire, Adaran fire (local fire) and Court fire (family fire) (Moule, 1994: 71). The most sacred of them was the fire of Bahram (state fire), which is called the fire of the victorious king. In these fire temples, such as Azar Ghashensab, Azar Farnbagh and Azar Mehr Barzin, it should burn continuously through any condition. The Adran fire was not burning all the time, and its consecration and purification ceremony was simpler than Bahram’s fire. Court fires are the third rank of Sasanian temples, which was easily prepared and purified from only one fire. The dimensions and glory of the fire temple and the shape and size of the fire pit determine the position of a fire temple. The big and important fire temples had larg and magnificent fire pits and the humble fire pits were related to local fire temples or personal fire temples and low people of Sassanid society (Tofighian, 2017: 196). The manifestations of Zoroastrianism in the study area of the Persian Gulf include several fire pit bases made of limestone, which have been identified because of construction projects (Tofighian, 2017: 195-210). The possible remains of several fire temples have also been identified in archaeological investigations, including Mohammad Abad Borazjan (Yaghmaei, 2009) and Kanari fire temple (Tofighian, 2024). Despite the distribution of fire temples and the foundations of fire pits on the northern shores of the Persian Gulf, the determination of the type and location of the burning fire in these fire temples is not clear. By identifying a short inscription on a Sassanid seal made of agate, we provide valuable information about the rank and rank of some fire temples in the Persian Gulf, such as Bahram fire, which was burning in a fire temple at the rank of Azar Farnbagh fire temple. Of course, what is certain is that not all fire temples in this area have the rank of Bahram fire and they could often belong to local and family fires.
 
2. Materials and Methods
The research method in this article is an archaeological survey of the Persian Gulf coast and historical research, and the method of collecting information is a library study and an archaeological survey of the city of Bandar Dayer. As a result of archaeological surveys on the coast of the Gulf of Fez in Bushehr province, many fire pit foundations have been identified. A smaller number of fire temples have also been identified, but thus far not much information has been provided about the type and importance of the burning fire in the fire temples on the coast of the Persian Gulf. In this study, by introducing a seal and its inscription, the worship of the fire of Bahram as the most important ever-burning fire of the Sassanid period in a fire temple at the level of the Azar Farnbagh fire temple is discussed.
 
3. Data
Not much information is available about the fire temples on the coast of the Persian Gulf. In archaeological surveys of the historical ports of the Persian Gulf, the remains of a fire temple were identified and introduced in the vicinity of the village of Kenari in the city of Bandar Dayer. It should be noted that the identification of numerous fire temple bases made of stone or plaster in the shape of two inverted cones and with vertical spoon patterns on them indicates the abundance of Sasanian fire temples on the coast of the Persian Gulf in Bushehr province. The distribution of Sasanian fire temples and hearth bases on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf indicates the spread of Zoroastrianism in these regions. Certainly, in many of these fire temples, local and family fires were burning, but it is conceivable that some of these fire temples had a national status and a higher rank. archaeological studies of the newly discovered port of Bardestan (Bordo), a seal fragment made of red agate has been identified, which bears a short inscription in the Pahlavi-Sassanian language. The study of this inscription provides valuable information about the worship of Zoroastrianism and the determination of the position and rank of the blazing fire in some of the fire temples on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf, which the authors will discuss in more detail in another article.
This seal, with the Sassanid government symbol in the middle of the seal and the Sassanid Pahlavi inscription around the seal, indicates that it belongs to a Zoroastrian deity who is the guardian of the blazing fire of Bahram in a fire temple on the same level as the Azar Farnbagh fire temple. Considering the reference of the inscription from Bardestan to the Farnbagh fire, it can be assumed that in the Bardestan region, which has a large scattering of hearth bases and the remains of several fire temples, there was probably a large and first-class fire temple, and the guardian of the fire of this fire temple had a government seal. 
 
4. Discussion
During the Sassanid period, the two institutions of government and religion were intertwined, and Zoroastrianism was considered a state religion. The symbol of this connection was manifested in the four-arched structure of fire temples and the blazing fire in the fire pits. Fire temples were a symbol of national unity, and throughout the Sassanid Empire, they had a single model in the construction of buildings and rituals of worshiping Ahura Mazda. The northern coast of the Persian Gulf, as the southern part of the Fars province, was the seat of the Sassanid Empire and was of great importance. In this area, numerous fire temples and stone hearths with vertical spoon patterns had a special place. The role and status of fire temples in the religion and economy of the Sassanid kingdom was so high that the back of the coins of this period was dedicated to the image of the hearth as an economic and financial symbol. The large number of fire temples and stone hearth bases on the northern coast of the Persian Gulf, especially in the Bardastan region, indicates the special position of this region in terms of rule and the prosperity of Zoroastrianism. 
The fires of the Sassanid temples, in order of importance, included the Bahram Fire, the Adaran Fire, the Court Fire, and then the domestic and personal fires. The fire of Bahram, as the most important ever-burning fire, was worshipped in large fire temples such as Azar Goshnesb, Azar Faranbagh, and Azar Mehr Barzin. The study of the fire pits on the coasts of the Persian Gulf, which are mainly in the form of two symmetrical cones and two trays at the top and bottom, made of stone and sometimes lime, and have a vertical spoon pattern, belonged to high-class and provincial fire temples.
 
5. Conclosion
Few fire temple remains have been identified along the northern coast of the Persian Gulf, with the exception of the Mohammad Abad Fire Temple in Borazjan and the Kenari Fire Temple in Deir County. However, the nature and construction quality of the discovered hearths suggest the significant religious and administrative importance of these Zoroastrian temples during the Sasanian period. Fire pit foundations have been recorded at several sites, including Tell Shahid, Qal‘eh Borazjan, Keshto, and particularly in Bardestan. In addition to these architectural remains, the discovery of an agate seal inscribed with Sasanian Pahlavi script around its border and bearing governmental emblems in its center underscores the elevated status of Zoroastrianism in this region. The seal further suggests that some of the fire temples here may have held official, possibly provincial, rank within the Sasanian religious-political hierarchy. The inscription’s reference to the Farnbagh fire a fire of high rank within the Zoroastrian tradition strengthens the hypothesis that the Bardestan area, with its concentration of hearth foundations and fire temple remains, once housed fire temples of first-order status, potentially functioning at a governmental or provincial level. While the specific fire temple associated with the seal has yet to be identified, it is plausible that it was a state-level temple where the exalted Bahram fire was maintained. Locating this temple with precision will require further archaeological investigation and systematic excavation in the area where the seal was discovered.

Abstract Abstract
In the financial system of the Sassanid era (651–224 AD), in addition to the two main monetary units namely the Dinar (gold) and the Dirham (silver) there were other lesser-valued units in circulation which, particularly in certain regions of Iran, played a significant role in the everyday economic transactions of the people. These lesser-valued units, which included coins made of low-weight silver, copper, brass, and bronze, played a major role in the general economy and daily exchanges. An examination of these small coins, in addition to revealing their material composition, led to the discovery of unique designs and symbols that are not observed on any of the Sassanid gold and silver coins. An intriguing aspect of these coins is the inclusion of distinctive designs and symbols that were never employed on the dinars and dirhams; they feature large depictions of the sun, the moon, a star, and a burning brazier on the coin, which undoubtedly signify a particular subject and belief. We know that the sun and the moon, as described in the Avesta as Zoroastrian deities, appear on these coins. By examining small coins such as the Pashiz and studying the Pahlavi texts of the Sassanid era alongside the religious Avesta rich with depictions of sacred symbols and by analyzing historical events and the reigns of various Sassanid kings, it can be concluded that these designs indeed reflect the religious beliefs and convictions of the people of that time. Moreover, not only are the symbolic designs significant, but the names of the mints where these coins were struck also hold considerable importance in this study. In addition, the Pashiz coins of the Malek Museum have been regarded as important examples. Therefore, in this article we intend to provide a comprehensive review of all these designs and symbols, as well as to introduce the mints and their functions during the Sassanid period, and to analyze their connection with the religious and cultural beliefs of that era. 
Keywords: Sassanid Period, Small Coins, Mints, Motifs and Symbols.
 
1. Introduction
During the Sassanian era (224–651 CE), the empire minted not only valuable coins like the dinar and dirham but also smaller coins made of copper, brass, bronze, and low-weight silver. While the dinar and dirham were primarily used for high-level transactions, the smaller coins, often referred to as “pashiz” or “dong,” played a crucial role in daily commerce. These coins were widely circulated throughout the Sassanian Empire and served as the foundation for the everyday economic exchanges within Iranshahr (Sassanian Persia). Despite their low monetary value, these small coins carried unique symbols, motifs, and textual inscriptions, which were distinct from those found on the dinars and dirhams.
The issue that this study seeks to address is the insufficient scholarly attention given to these lesser-valued coins in the field of numismatics. These small coins often carry intricate designs and politically significant texts that may provide valuable insights into the religious, political, and economic ideologies of the Sassanian Empire. Understanding the reasons behind the inclusion of such motifs and texts, as well as their implications for the rulers’ beliefs and policies, could offer a fresh perspective on Sassanian society and governance. The study of small Sassanian coins is important for several reasons. As evidenced by scholars such as Vladimir Grigorievich Lukonin and Robert Gobel, these coins have largely been overlooked in the field of numismatics. Lukonin briefly discussed the early Sassanian copper mints but did not delve deeply into the designs or inscriptions of these smaller coins. Similarly, while Gobel acknowledged their existence, his focus remained primarily on the more valuable dirham and dinar coins, leaving the pashiz and dong largely unexplored.
In recent years, Austrian numismatist Nicholas Schindel has drawn attention to these coins, but comprehensive research on their unique motifs and the mints responsible for their production is still lacking. The study of the design and symbolism on these small coins not only enhances our understanding of the Sassanian economy but also provides deeper insight into the political and religious symbols that shaped the Sassanian state. These small coins were in common circulation, and their designs may offer a glimpse into how the rulers sought to project their Authority and beliefs to the broader population. These coins were more frequently used in daily transactions, making them more representative of the general populace’s economic activity. Consequently, their study could reveal how Sassanian rulers sought to communicate their ideology, political objectives, and religious beliefs to the public. The symbols and texts used on these coins may reflect the political climate of the time, illustrating the rulers’ efforts to consolidate power and communicate their policies effectively.
The central question driving this research is: What was the significance of the unique symbols, motifs, and texts found on small coins (pashiz and dong) in the Sassanian era, and why were these elements used on these coins rather than the more valuable dinars and dirhams? This research question will guide the investigation into the cultural, religious, and political motivations behind the designs and inscriptions on these small coins. By closely examining these elements, the study aims to uncover why the Sassanian rulers chose these specific motifs and texts, and how they reflect broader societal and political dynamics. 4. Discussion
 
2. Discussion
The research will employ a combination of qualitative and descriptive analysis, focusing on primary sources and archaeological artifacts. One important component of the study will be an examination of small coins housed in the Malek National Museum in Tehran, particularly those made of copper, and pashiz, which have not been thoroughly analyzed in previous research.
These coins will be used to illustrate the specific motifs, symbols, and texts found on Sassanian small coins.
The study will also incorporate the work of previous numismatists, including Lukonin (Lukonin, 1393), Gobel (Althaim et al., 2012), and Schindel (Schindel, 2014), to provide context for the analysis of these coins. By closely examining the coins’ design elements, particular attention will be given to the patterns that appear in front of the emperor’s face, as these often symbolize specific religious or political beliefs. The inclusion of mint marks and abbreviations will also be analyzed to understand the geographical and administrative distribution of coin production across the Sassanian Empire.
One key aspect of the research will be to distinguish between the motifs used on small coins and those found on dinars and dirhams. This comparison will help determine why certain symbols and texts were reserved for the smaller coins, and what this information reveals about the broader social and political context of the Sassanian Empire. Furthermore, this study will explore the significance of minting practices, including the role of mint marks and the locations where these small coins were produced.
The study of small Sassanian coins has yielded several significant findings. One of the most striking aspects of these coins is the inclusion of large and elaborate motifs, particularly on the reverse side of the coin, which often surrounds or is positioned next to the emperor’s face. These motifs are distinct from those found on the dinars and dirhams, and they appear to serve specific religious, political, or symbolic purposes.
For example, many of the small coins feature representations of Zoroastrian symbols, such as fire altars, which are emblematic of the state religion of the Sassanian Empire. Other common motifs include depictions of imperial iconography, such as crowns and royal insignia, which reinforced the divine right of the emperor and his association with the gods. The inclusion of such symbols on low-value coins suggests that the Sassanian rulers sought to project their political legitimacy and reinforce their religious authority at all levels of currency, not just with high-value coins like the dinar and dirham.
 
3. Conclosion
Another significant finding is the frequent use of mint marks and abbreviations on these small coins. These marks indicate the geographical origins of the coins and provide valuable insight into the distribution of minting activities throughout the Sassanian Empire. The presence of mint marks, along with the inclusion of names of important cities and provinces, suggests that the Sassanian rulers were keen on controlling and monitoring economic activity at the local level. This further underscores the importance of minting as a tool for political control, similar to the minting practices of dirhams and dinars. Additionally, the presence of coins with no text but elaborate patterns next to the emperor’s face highlights the use of symbolic language as a form of communication. These coins may have been used in specific contexts, such as religious ceremonies or festivals, where the visual impact of the coin’s design was more important than any textual content.
In conclusion, this study highlights the significant role that small coins played in the Sassanian Empire, especially in reflecting the political, religious, and economic ideologies of the time. Despite their low monetary value, these coins carried symbols and texts that communicated important messages to the populace. The use of unique motifs and mint marks on these coins illustrates how the Sassanian rulers sought to project their authority and religious beliefs to a wide audience. The research into the small coins of the Sassanian era, particularly through the analysis of coins from the Malek National Museum, offers valuable insights into the culture and governance of the Sassanian Empire.

Abstract Abstract
Cooperation of skilled Sassanid painters and metal workers led to the creation of masterpieces in the collections and museums and around the world, especially the silver plates that were decorated by augmentation, hammering, engraving, gilding, and other techniques. On the one hand, noble tastes led to creation of these artifacts, whereas forgers take the opportunity to produce fakes similar to the original artifacts. Therefore, due to the high rate of discoveries from smugglers, the objects must be studied and authenticated more deeply. The present paper studies a silver plate with a ram design that was produced during the Sassanid period and which was discovered by smugglers in Mazandaran province. The plate is registered in the historical list of Sari Collection, however, the author hesitated to confirm the authentication of the same object. Through study, the author recognized the original plate, which led to present paper as the authentication and comparison of both. The present paper points to the authentication methods of the Sassanid silver plate, while introducing motifs that reflect a powerful government with royal requisites and religious rites, however, in the end, while the plate expresses the skillfulness of a master who created the most appropriate composition, the authentication of the plate denied and has been listed as a forgery. 
Keywords: Silver Plate, Sassanid, Ram, Composition, Forgery, Collection of Sari.
 
1. Introduction
The Sassanid kingdom was of the most powerful Iranian dynasties that deeply influenced the artistic and cultural evolution of Iran. Roman Ghirshman explains art of the period as having “a mixed composition, combining influences from east and west, presenting a national Iranian melting pot, aimed at reclaiming ancient Achaemenid honor and credit” (Ghirshman 1350: 134). Metal works are highly regarded among contemporary artists. The objects that reveal skill of the contemporary artists and highly regarded across world (Ehsani 1382: 104), especially silver vessels that were manufactured using several techniques including engraving, augmentation, molding, embossment, and gilding (Ganter & Jet 1383: 360-362). 
The cooperation of skillful painters, metal workers, and engravers led to manufacturing unique masterpieces in the collections across the world. Yet the renown of this type of object has led to forgeries, in which fake objects are produced following a contemporary style.
Therefore, it should be noted that the analysis and authentication of objects obtained from looters is a necessity. The present paper involves in study of a silver plate with ram design that was manufactured following Sassanid style and seized from looters in Mazandaran in the year 1389 (2010/11) (Fig. 1). The curator of the Sari Collection registered the plate as an original object, however, the author revisited the plate and doubted its authenticity. Through investigation, the original plate was recognized and is presented in the present paper. There was an opportunity to study the artistic composition of the plate, considering the aesthetic and artistic skill of the Sassanid metalworker. Additionally, the present paper introduces the iconology of motifs, considering orientation of design and type of engraving. 
 
2. Methodology
Bibliographic research and the examination of credible sources, along with digital comparative analysis of similar images, constitute key methodologies for the study and authentication of the plate. Sassanid plates have generally been discovered of mountainous regions of Caucasia, Mazandaran, Susa, Qasr-e Abu Nasr, Tal-e Malyan, and other regions in Iran (Chegini 1367: 17-22). The vessel is sometimes gilded with various designs (Bosili and Scheratto 1383: 85). Contemporaneous artists were always supported by high-ranking nobles (Pope 1338: 57). The artists were inspired by nature and tried to present royal and ritual demands (Harrper 1986: 592). The most significant studied Sassanid silver plates are the gilded vessel with Khosrow II’s figure in the Hermitage (Harper-Meyers 1981: 220) (Fig. 2), the gilded plate from Russian Cherdin (ibid: 228) (Fig. 3), the gilded plate from Russian Preshchina (ibid: 229) (Fig. 4), the silver plate in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Pope 1945: 229) (Fig. 5), the gilded plate with figure of Piruz or Ghobad I (Harper-Meyers 1981: XII) (Fig. 6), the gilded plate with a royal hunting scene and a king with a horned helmet hunting a boar (ibid: XIV) (fig. 7), the gilded bowl with a scene of vine, birds, and four leg animals (Holmes 1968: 23) (Fig. 8), the gilded plate in Arthur Sackler Gallery with a middle Persian inscription (Grabar 1967: 125) (Fig. 9), a plate with ram design that has a ribbon on the back of its neck (Harper 1978: 127), the gilded plate from Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (Ganther and Jet 1383: 188) (Fig. 11), two gilded plates with a scene of a ram and tulips, in the Metropolitan Art Museum of New York (Brunner 1978: 116-117) (Figs. 12-13). 
 
3. Introduction to the case study
The vessel is a silver plate with a diameter of 21.6 cm. It is composed of two joined shells formed using a hammering technique, while the decorative elements were created using the toreutic method. The upper shell features a scene depicting a ram facing left, adorned with a ribbon; the background includes a vine and mountainous landscape with vegetation (Fig. 14). The outer shell displays a plain design with a shallow groove.
 
4. Authentication of the vessel
The plate is an imitation of the Sassanid artistic style, firstly, registered as an original object the collection of Museum of Sari, where the author doubted the authenticity following characteristic criteria including orientation of the design. Most importantly, animal figures on Sassanid plates never face to left. Following written sources, the author recognized the plate of Museum of Boston as the forgery template (Fig. 17), however, they have both general and specific differences. 
 
5. Composition of the original plate
Composition presents both integrity and appropriation through parts of a piece (Rankinpour 1382: 4). A Sassanid artist balanced the visual heaviness of the ribbon on the neck of the ram with a vine within a hypothetical triangle. He/she designed the vine on the chest of the ram to fill the scene and direct the audience look from right of the image to the ribbon, or vice versa. The artist used various symbols designed the highest vine on the tip of the triangle, with two birds at the most appropriate place.   
 
6. Conclusion
The plate of the collection of the Sari Museum is a forgery of Sassanid designs and technology, without observance of primary decorative principles of the period. The designs of Sassanid plates face to the right, while contemporary toreutics, under the Isfahan school, differ from the Sassanid techniques. The original plate contains several symbols of ancient Iran and Zoroastrianism: a ram with curved horns symbolizes God and points to victory, and a raised ribbon relates to monarchy; a vine implies emergence of the spring season and means productivity and farewell; and finally, the bird is a profitable bird for farms. The Sassanid artist was so skilled as to compose triangle with different symbols to create a valuable piece. Consequently, the plate of the Collection of Sari is rejected as authentic, and has been reregistered as a forgery, no. 181-2.

Abstract Abstract
Evidence has shown that the history of communication between the people of Iran and China, to the formation of powerful empires of two lands, goes back long before the rise of Islam. Attested by textual sources and archeological documents, the experience of successful communication between the two countries continued even after the fall of the Sassanid dynasty. Historical reports of the 7th to the 16th century AD provide important information about the ups and downs of relations between the two countries. The recovery of their communication processes has shown that a mutual or double-sided history has resulted in a two-sided outcome. According to these reports, the process of communication contains four stages (Fig. 3). However, this has been put aside by several archeological researchers, who directly find evidence of early communication from the discovered documents, which is far from their actual understanding. and archaeology having Cultural findings examined with a question-oriented behavior, we are looking for this concept, so that by relying on pottery findings, can the question of “To what extent do the chronology of pottery findings emphasize the process of dealings and its turbulence?” can be answered? To answer this question, the results and conclusions of investigation and studies of pottery findings in the ancient sites of this region have been used. The findings of the research showed that although the historical reports explicitly in some cases emphasize the complete cancellation of relations or its indirectness, but the chronology of the study of pottery finds in the Persian Gulf region shows a continuous trend in their import. And the result emphasizes the integrity of the information, especially the accuracy in the chronology of pottery findings and their quantitative study.
Keywords: Archeology, Persian Gulf, Maritime Trade, Siraf, Celadon Pottery.
 
1. Introduction
Although Chinese sources have mentioned a political relationship between from 649 to 745 CE (Park, 2012:6-7), the opportunity of restoration of land trade between the Umayyads and the Tang government did not arise. At the same time, because of the Battle of Talas, the history of the two societies entered a new phase and the sea route inevitably replaced the land route. In Fig. 6, the beginning and end of these periods can be seen according to the dynasties that came to power in Iran and China, as well as the period of prosperity of each of the commercial centers in the Persian Gulf region and imported ceramics into these centers. According to Table 3, which shows the classification and chronology of the potteries, six types of porcelains have been identified as imported pottery at the same time (649 to 745 CE), considering that the number of these porcelains is limited and their distribution is not widespread in the entire region, determining their real date is unclear and cannot be mentioned as the official beginning of the pottery trade. 
 
2. Discussion
According to the evidence of the eighth century CE, sea travel in the Indian Ocean became the dominant method of direct and indirect communication between China and the Islamic World (Fig. 1). This alternation occurred simultaneously with the transfer of the capital to Baghdad, which was connected to Basra and the Persian Gulf through the Euphrates River. At this time (745 to 867 CE), the Abbasid government improved its relationship with the Tang government. But with Huang Chao’s rebellion, there was a long-term gap in direct long-distance maritime trade from 878 to 961 CE (Vosoughi,2017) causing trade to shift to Malay ports (Schottenhammer & 蕭婦, 2016: 137). In the Persian Gulf Region, Basra became less important due to a lack of proper management in development, population increase, and numerous unrests. The coins found at Siraf are a reminder of the increase in trade in the ninth century CE. At the same time, the Tang government started trading porcelains as goods (Guy,1990:9). The Belitung shipwreck is a clear example of the volume of Changsha pottery shipments at this period of time (Schottenhammer & 蕭婦, 2016: 151). Although the rebellion in China brought about instability and a decrease in direct relations, considerable volumes of imported ceramics have also been discovered at Siraf from this time period. The classification and chronology of the potteries of this site and the samples collected from the south of Iran show sixteen types of potteries (Table 3).
The third period (961 to about 1253 CE) happened after a recession. From the beginning of the fourth century and following the division of the Islamic World, the Fatimid caliphate in Egypt and Iranian governments in Iran began to rule. The people of Siraf were still playing a role in trade during this period. After a successful experience, this port went into decline and Kish quickly assumed the role of Siraf. Sohar and the port of Aden were under the control and rule of the Fatimids to obtain profits from trade (Vosoughi, 2017). At the same time, due to the Sriwijaya’s rule in the Strait of Malacca, direct communication with Chinese ports was disconnected. This process improved with the establishment of the Song Dynasty, and the kings of this dynasty made many facilities to encourage maritime trade (Medley, 1975:32). At this time, the Chinese government increased production for export and determined the flow of trade (Harrisson, 2003:99), encouraging the pottery trade to create balance in the trading business specially after 1111 CE (Guy, 1990:9). The classification and chronology of pottery types in the site of the Persian Gulf region (Table 3) shows sixteen types of imported pottery, which is a reminder of the encouragement of pottery trade during this era.
The process of dealings underwent major changes in the beginning of the thirteenth century AD with the formation of Mongol power and the occupation of China and Iran by Genghis and his successors. At this time, local governments played a special role in the process. Unlike Kish, Hormuz became a regional power and unlike Siraf, it became an independent base. In China, the Ming government replaced the Yuan Dynasty. Nevertheless, it still brought about the expansion of trade. These trans-regional connections changed with the arrival of the raiding Portuguese in the sixteenth century CE. Archeological studies show strong evidence of the volume of pottery imports in this period. The collection collected from Hormuz provides important information about the pottery trade in the second half of the seventh century later, between China and this region presented (Williamson, 1973: 56, m3, Morgan,1991:67). This date coincides with Zheng He’s trips to Hormuz (Meicun & Zhang, 2015:417), where coins were given as gifts by him. The samples obtained from Bahrain and Al-Qatif are reminders of this subject (Cribb and Potts, 1996:109). However, after his travels, there was a break until the presence of the Portuguese (Zhang, 2018:74). During this period, Chinese participation in the maritime trade of the Indian Ocean declined or did not exist at all (Lo, 1958:337-340). This decline may be due to the sea ban policy of the early Ming Dynasty, which was accompanied by great stagnation after 1407 AD. By the end of this century, China’s manufacturing industries were in severe decline, this is when the porcelain trade changed from celadon to blue and white potteries (Zhang, 2018:74).
 
3. Conclusion
Evidence suggests that historical accounts at times emphasize either a complete reversal or an indirect nature of commercial transactions. These shifts have had a direct impact on ceramic production in China, on patterns of export, the volume and variety of monetary exchanges, and even on the distribution of goods across the Persian Gulf region because of changing trade centers. Archaeological investigations have demonstrated that, although the demand for ceramics in this reciprocal exchange was largely unidirectional, ceramics remain the most reliable material evidence for reconstructing the processes of maritime trade. The data derived from ceramic finds can serve to confirm, challenge, or refine certain historical narratives, depending on their textual character. The chronological sequence of ceramic types rarely shows a clear break in importation, suggesting the need for further integrated and systematic research across the region particularly in light of the information presented in Figure 6.

Abstract Abstract
Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad are located in the Southern Zagros, which contains valuable information about settelmeents with a nomadic livelihood and semi-temporary agricultural during the Islamic era, especially the middle and late Islamic centuries. Cham-Shir area in Dogonbadan city informs us about the settlements of this period. Site 089 of Cham-Shir, according to the architectural structures and the type of pottery obtained from the excavation of 2022, is a settlement characterized by pastoral nomadism with agriculture. Favorable geographical conditions and special natural complications, such as the passage of the Zohreh River and green slopes that better affect the surrounding environment in the second half of the year, make the studied area a favorable place for nomadic communities with vertical displacement. The site’s excavation includes architectural and pottery data that, when analyzed, show a close relationship with this way of life. In this site’s architectural structure, several spaces were created for human habitation to place items related to this lifestyle and one or two larger structures attached to the living space to keep livestock. Along with the architectural collection, pottery finds were found which, according to their form, their quality of construction and possible use, further confirm the relationship of these architectural collections with the nomadic style. Site 089 includes five separate building units with wide dimensions, revealed during the excavation in two units with different architectural structures using the same raw materials and construction techniques. In these architectural units, all kinds of Istakhr-type pottery, pseudo-prehistoric pottery, glazed pottery, and simple pottery of the Islamic period were found, similar to the examples obtained from Fars, Khuzestan, Kerman, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari. The study of architectural units led to the relative chronology of the site.
Keywords: Cham-Shir, Site 089, Middle and Late Islamic Period, Nomadism and Semi-temporary Agriculture.
 
1. Introduction
Site 089, situated on the slopes of Cham Cheru Mountain within a narrow valley, occupies a key position in advancing our understanding of Islamic-era settlement patterns. Its strategic location linked via a gravel road to Gachsaran and the surrounding plains and villages of Babamonir, Mishan, and Mahor offers critical insights into the region’s nomadic lifeways. The presence of the Zahra River and verdant slopes, particularly during the second half of the year, has rendered the area favorable for seasonal transhumance. Due to the poor quality and stony nature of the soil in this sedimentary zone, conditions have historically been unsuitable for the development of permanent agricultural villages, a pattern that appears consistent with past land use.
The study of this area highlights the richness of nomadic cultural heritage and associated settlement traditions. Three major features underscore the significance of Site 089:
1. Its proximity to Cham Cheru Mountain, particularly the presence of architectural remains on the summit; 2. The distribution of cemeteries and arched stone structures scattered both within and around the site; 3. The notable concentration of stone-cut architectural elements, indicating the area’s distinct role within the broader context of nomadic heritage in the region.
These attributes position Site 089 as a valuable case for modeling patterns of nomadic settlement and for guiding future archaeological investigations. The present study aims to establish the relative chronology of architectural features and to develop a typology of pottery uncovered during excavation. Key research questions include:
• To what extent do the site’s architectural remains correspond with known settlement strategies and chronological frameworks? Which historical periods can be assigned to the ceramic assemblage based on comparative analysis? Can architectural and ceramic evidence at the site illuminate patterns of interaction between the Cham-Shir region and adjacent areas?
To address these questions, the study employed a combination of fieldwork, archival research, descriptive-analytical methods, and comparative analyses. Following excavation, the architectural structures were reconstructed in plan form to support the dating of architectural phases and contextualize the associated ceramic materials. Pottery finds were then classified and subjected to typological analysis and comparative chronology, allowing for broader cross-regional comparisons.
 
2. Discussion
Nomadic life and animal husbandry result from human interaction with the surrounding environment; in this way of life, we see the regular movement of human groups within a single ecological territory. Although this lifestyle seems very simplistic at first glance, a regular and specific socio-economic system within its divisions should be studied separately from single-settlement, rural and urban units. However, very little evidence of this way of life remains. The necessary awareness of this lifestyle depends on accepting it as an independent entity with certain remaining material characteristics. One of the most important indicators is the architectural culture of these tribes, which took on a special form after establishing their settlements. The characteristic features of these architectural structures are their location next to springs and rivers, an ecological space with pastures and meadows around permanent settlements, location at higher altitudes or on the edge of natural hills, and the use of local materials such as stone. This situation leads to the formation of the cultural landscape of the nomads. These establishments have a periodic geometric pattern, mostly built based on the slope of the land, security and visibility of the area. These structures’ overall form and structure are a function of their function and how they are used. 
One of the most complex issues under investigation is identifying the distinguishing features of the architectural structures and the factors influencing the formation of their cultural landscape. These factors encompass the physical, cultural, and social dimensions of the society in which they developed. A clear example of this can be seen in the construction of buildings on sloped terrain, necessitating the creation of terraces, the use of minimally processed materials such as porcelain stoneware, the internal division of space without partition walls, and the presence of specific entrance arrangements. These structures exhibit hierarchical patterns that appear closely linked to the socio-spatial organization of nomadic communities.
 
3. Conclusion
In the flatter areas, architectural planning involved the use of higher-quality materials and more regular geometric layouts. In contrast, as one moves further up the slope, structures tend to vary more in size and shape, their architectural integrity diminishes, and in some instances, natural features were used as enclosures. A significant feature of these settlements is the positioning of residential units along gentle slopes, providing wide visibility and control over the surrounding landscape a strategic consideration in nomadic settlement planning.
The ceramic assemblage from the site corresponds well with the architectural phases and dates primarily from the middle to the late centuries of the Islamic period. Notably, Istakhr-type ceramics characteristic of the middle Islamic centuries have parallels with contemporaneous sites in Fars Province, which is likely their place of origin. The assemblage includes glazed, unglazed, and plain wares that are datable to the same general timeframe and are commonly found at Islamic-period sites across Iran. Additionally, the site yielded pseudo-prehistoric ceramics, which also date from the middle to late Islamic centuries. These are comparable to pottery discovered in regions such as Fars, Khuzestan, and Kerman (particularly the Narmashir Plain settlements), as well as in several other areas across the Iranian plateau.

Abstract Abstract
use of high-energy synchrotron rays in order to identify and characterize historical and cultural materials as accurately as possible, usually in a non-destructive manner and with very high accuracy, has become a suitable method to identify the elemental composition of archaeological materials in very small quantities. Furthermore, cathodoluminescence rays can lead to better identification of the chemical composition and phase changes in the historical samples. Cathodoluminescence rays generated from the crystalline compounds lead to new mineralogical interpretations in order to better understand the manufacturing technology and the origin of historical material. In line with the archaeological investigation and studies conducted during the years 1392-1393, a significant number of celadon ceramics, and engraved and glazed pottery were found at the site of Gour. In this research, seven potsherds were examined using conventional laboratory methods and high-energy X-ray beams produced in synchrotron and microscopic cathodoluminescence. These studies were carried out to identify the chemical properties of these ceramics and how they were manufactured. In line with these studies, it was found that these ceramics were made of kaolinite clay and baked at a temperature of ca. 1200 degrees Celsius in two manufacturing stages, and specific proportions of raw materials Si/Al were used in the chemical composition of their body and glaze. This proportion and the method of firing and the condition of the kiln were proof of the coherence and strength of the celadon, which is identical to the temperature interval of the formation of the crystalline phases between the body and the glaze, so-called reaction phase-interphase area.
Keywords: The City of Gour, Celadon Ware, Photon Rays, Synchrotron, Cathodoluminescence.
 
1. Introduction
The environmental, economic, industrial, and spatial characteristics of the city have been the subject of several detailed studies (Huff, 1970; Huff, 1973; Huff, 2008). The city exhibits a circular urban plan approximately 2 kilometers in diameter, enclosed by two concentric mudbrick ramparts and a surrounding moat. It is connected to the surrounding plain by two perpendicular streets intersecting at the city’s center and features four main gates. Portions of the circular fortification are still preserved, including large governmental and religious structures situated in the city center.
Despite the limited number of archaeological excavations conducted in the area, these investigations have produced valuable findings. The most significant research has been carried out by Dietrich Huff and colleagues (Huff and Gignoux, 1978; Karimian and Montazer-Zohouri, 2014). Ceramic sherds represent the most important category of archaeological finds at the site. Research indicates that the ceramics from Ardashir Khurrah date from the late Arsacid and Sasanian periods through the early, middle, and late Islamic periods, spanning approximately the 7th to the 16th/17th centuries CE (Karimian and Montazer-Zohouri, 2014).
Studies focusing on the cephalina (citadel) of Ardashir Khurrah have further clarified the chronological range of pottery production in the city. These analyses suggest that ceramic material from the site spans from the late Parthian and Sasanian periods through to the early Islamic centuries and into the middle and late Islamic periods (approximately the 1st through 11th centuries AH / 7th through 17th centuries CE) (Karimian and Montazer-Zohouri, 2014). As such, the ceramic assemblage from Ardashir Khurrah constitutes a critical source for understanding the cultural and historical development of this important ancient city.
One of the key types is the celadon wares imported from China. Iran and China had cultural and commercial relations from the pre-Islam period; many archaeological finds indicate this interaction. The China-Iran relationship lasted into the Islamic period; celadon wares are one of the most important sources of evidence on the two commercial cooperation between the two countries. Celadon had been known as a commercial Chinese product in the Islamic lands (Emami et al., 2019). This ware type has a frit body covered with revitalized glaze in the green to brown color range. Celadon ware is a common type in a large number of Islamic sites, distributed across the Iranian Plateau via the main and secondary trade roads from the 7th and 8th to the 16th-17th centuries. The celadon wares found in Ardshirkhoreh are in the green and grey color range and date back to the 13th-14th and the 15th-17th centuries. Similar types have been found at Siraf, Kish, and Rab-e Rashidi (Morgan, 1991, Takahito, 1988). Most celadons are found in the citadel (Arg) and along the eastern street in Ardshirkhowreh.  The Chinese celadons have been imported to the area by the southern ports like Siraf and then scattered in the hinterlands city like Ardshirkhowreh. 
 
2. Material and Methods
New insights on the chemical composition of the stoneware pottery with bluish green glaze so called celadon from Ardeshir-Khore, 4th century AC (Iran) have been achieved by SR-based X-ray diffraction analysis and cathodoluminescence microscopy. Techniques based on synchrotron radiation have been widely applied in archaeology. High-energy synchrotron radiation makes it possible to characterize the composition of the newly formed minute crystalline phases within the matrix of the pottery. At the same time, cathodoluminescence imaging provides new insight into mineralogical criteria that are not visible with the usual optical microscopy approach. However, the tiny crystals which are revealed, can be considered as real markers for the knowledge of important features such as the highest firing temperatures reached at this time.
 
3. Discussion
Celadon wares are structurally a unique pottery type with numerous chronologically sensitive characteristics. These materials are indications of maritime and land trade from the Far East and China to Iran (Huang et al., 2020, Molera i Marimon et al., 2022). In this regard, the history of the emergence of Celadon in Iran dates back to the Sassanid era and then the peak period of the use of this type of historical pottery in Iran to the Ilkhanid era and the cities of the Persian Gulf: Kerman, Sistan, Jiroft, Kashan, Ray and Qazvin are among the important places for the existence and production of this type of pottery in the Iranian Plateau (Huang et al., 2020, Molera i Marimon et al., 2022, Amirhajloo and Sedighian, 2023, Barnes et al., 2010).
The exact characteristics of the geo-chemical fingerprint and phase composition of the primary clay paste is reflected by the re-crystallizations through firing as an important criterion for the “chaîne opératoire” in ceramic technology of the past (Tite et al., 2012). The determinination of newly formed minute crystalline phases by synchrotron XRD is essential, since identification of the reaction products during the firing of primary clay, sometimes cannot be well clarified by routine methods (Emami et al., 2021). Multidisciplinary methods are crucial for determining the primary clay base, as well as the manufacturing processes of these prestigious objects (Cheng et al., 2002). Synchrotron based XRD results enable the characterization of both mineralogical constituents of a pottery and its fabrication by identifying high temperature phases and defining kiln atmosphere conditions. The samples were studied earlier by cathodoluminescence imaging to localize the specific zones of recrystallization and the newly formed crystals. Crystal growth and its statement is revealed by means of the cathodoluminescence color of the minerals and will be interpreted as a generation of high temperature silica and calcium phases such as mullite and anorthite. 
 
4. Conclusion
The composition and structure of the celadon were first observed using the common methods of polarizing microscopy, and then through using high-energy beams of synchrotron and Low-energy rays of cathodoluminescence. Characteristically the results indicate the use of illitic soil with different amounts of carbonate compounds. The cooking temperature of the salads is about 1270 degrees Celsius based on the high temperature phases of the sherds. Moreover, the celadon are made in two stages: first, the body is fired and then the glaze is put on before the body is completely sintered. SR-XRD and CL microscopy have clarified insights into the characterization of high temperature phases in the body and phase-interphase area between the body and the celadon glaze. Anorthite occurred mostly in interphase zones between body and glaze. Over high firing temperature of the celadons (ca. 1200°C), formation of high temperature phases such as mullite and other aluminosilicates, might be notable in association with SiO2/Al2O3 wt% ratios.