https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/ Journal of Archaeological Studies en daily 1 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 22 Dec 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_105456.html AbstractIn the field of prehistoric archaeology studies in Iran, East Azerbaijan is considered one of the unknown, obscure, and neglected regions. Despite the high environmental potential and capabilities of this area, unfortunately, the few studies conducted have not yet been able to accurately define the prehistoric cultural frameworks of this region. The accidental discovery of a Neolithic pottery vessel from Qosha Tepe in Parsabad paved the way for carrying out this research aimed at studying Neolithic cultures of the Mughan Steppe. Other new findings from the Neolithic era in this region, including Qosha Tepe in Mishkin and Bey Baghli in Bileh Savar, along with comparative studies of these artifacts with similar examples in the Urmia Lake basin and the Aras River valley, led to the identification of a new culture from the Late Neolithic period in East Azerbaijan. The dating of the Qara Su-Mughan pottery tradition indicates that this culture played a connecting role between the Neolithic cultures of the Urmia Lake basin and the Southern Caucasus in the sixth millennium BCE. The pottery techniques, decorations, and structure of the ceramics from the Qara Su-Mughan Neolithic culture reveal significant similarities and resemblances with the Shulaveri-Shomu culture in the Southern Caucasus and the Hajji Firuz culture in the Urmia Lake basin. This research serves as the first step in introducing and identifying the Neolithic culture of Eastern Azerbaijan, Iran, referred to as the Qara Su-Mughan culture during the New Neolithic period.Keywords: Neolithic, Qara Su-Mughan Steppe, Parsabad, Qosha Tepe. 1. IntroductionThe Qara Su-Mugan Steppe basin encompasses a vast watershed area of approximately 21,245 square kilometers, located between Ardabil and East Azerbaijan provinces. It features a climate ranging from humid and hot to very cold mountainous conditions, which has endowed it with diverse geographical landscapes. Some field studies in this area reveal artifacts from the Early Paleolithic to the Middle Paleolithic across the entire Qara Su River basin. These abundant findings, derived from just a single visit and initial surveys, indicate the region’s attractiveness for human groups from the Paleolithic era up to the beginning of the Neolithic period. Unfortunately, the lack of serious archaeological studies in this region has hindered any detailed discussion regarding its prehistoric cultural characteristics. 2. Qara Su-Mughan Steppe and Neolithic Cultures in the NW IranThe Qara Su-Mugan cultural zone encompasses two distinct drainage basins, each with entirely different and sometimes contrasting geographical features, covering an area of approximately 21,000 square kilometers in eastern of Iranian Azerbaijan—located in northwestern Iran. These two basins range from the hot and humid plains of the Mugan steppe to the very cold and dry slopes of Mount Sabalan (Savalan in local), and are governed by a single cultural tradition that has persisted from ancient times to the present, forming a continuous cultural landscape.The Qara Su-Mugan cultural zone encompasses two distinct drainage basins, each with entirely different and sometimes contrasting geographical features, covering an area of approximately 21,000 square kilometers in eastern of Iranian Azerbaijan—located in northwestern Iran. These two basins range from the hot and humid plains of the Mugan steppe to the very cold and dry slopes of Mount Sabalan (Savalan in local dialect) and are governed by a single cultural tradition that has persisted from ancient times to the present, forming a continuous cultural landscape.The Qara Su River basin originates from the Baghru/Taleghan mountain ranges in the east of Ardabil Plain and the Bazqush in the west, as well as the entire northern slopes of Mount Sabalan. After traversing the plains of Ardabil, Arshagh plain, and Meshgin Shahr area, it ultimately merges with the Ahar-Chayi River, forming the Dar-e-Rood River (Yort Valley) along the northern course of the Dar-e-Rood River, and finally joins the Aras River at the western end of the Mugan Plain. Therefore, this large watershed can be divided into three parts: the Qara Su basin—including the plains of Ardabil, Arshagh, and Meshgin; the Ahar Chayi basin—including the mid-mountain plains of Varzeqan and Ahar; and finally, the Dar-e-Rood basin—including the western parts of Germi County, Ungut, and Aslanduz plain.The Neolithic period in this region was first identified through excavations at Qosha Tepe, near the ancient site of Shaharyeri located in the Qara Su River basin between Meshgin Shahr and Ardabil. Although earlier, Charls Berney had identified two sites dating from the Neolithic to Chalcolithic period in the Meshgin Shahr area and the Ahar Chayi basin, the excavators of Qosha Tepe for the first time demonstrated the sequence of ceramic traditions from the Neolithic in this region. Although the lack of absolute dates from this site has created significant uncertainties regarding the interpretation of finds within the broader framework of the Neolithic in Iranian Azerbaijan, the discovery of these artifacts has nonetheless revealed the characteristics of the Neolithic in the eastern parts of northwestern Iran.Bey Bagli is another Neolithic settlement in the Mugan Steppe. This small Neolithic site is located on the eastern side of the Mugan Plain, where the Ghamish Chayi (Barzand Chayi) River joins the Bulgar Chayi. This site is situated on the Ghamish Chayi terrace top of a little hill. The ceramic assemblage from this site mainly includes light to dark brown pottery. Red sherds, which sometimes appear brick-red due to high firing temperatures, can also be found among the pottery. Buff wares are rare. Most of the sherds have a soft fabric, while some small vessels exhibit a fine fabric. All pottery vessels have a paste containing organic temper, Chaff-Faced ware is frequently observed. Various techniques were used in decorating the Bey Bagli pottery. Based on color, construction, and surface treatment, the pottery from the Bey Bagli site can be divided into five main categories: 1) Red-slip, polished ware with a red slip 2) Red-colored ware 3) Buff sherds with incised decorations 4) Buff to light brown jars with additive and carved decorations 5) Plum colored vessels.One of the issues regarding the Neolithic period in northwest Iran is Transitional from the late Neolithic to the Chalcolithic period. Recent studies place the traditions of the Hajji Firuz culture and Tepe Ahranjan within the late Neolithic period, dating between 6000-5400 BCE. The final cultural phases of the late Neolithic in the southern basin of Lake Urmia, Hajji Firuz, and in the northern regions are represented by Ahranjan (5900-5400 BCE). Although Mellaart and some researchers have emphasized the expansion of the Hajji Firuz culture into the Aras Valley based on limited surface findings in the Qara Dagh area, the results of excavations at Ahranjan in the Salmas Plain, Dava Goz in Khoy, Kultepe Gargar in Jalfa, and extensive investigations by the German team have not reported any evidence of Hajji Firuz ceramic traditions beyond the southern plains of Lake Urmia. 3. ConclusionIn the eastern regions of Azerbaijan, the latest cultural phases of the Neolithic can be identified along the shores of the Qara Su River and in the Mugan Plain. Excavations at Qosha Tepe along the Qara Su River have revealed a late Neolithic ceramic tradition dating to the mid-sixth millennium BCE. If we accept the absolute dating of the Hajji Firuz culture between 6000 and 5400 BCE, then the Neolithic settlement at Qosha Tepe, or at least its lowest stratigraphic layers, must have been established in the mid-6th millennium BCE. Recent Neolithic findings from Bey Bagli Bilesavar and Qosha Tepe Parsabad indicate a dominant and similar cultural package across Neolithic settlements in the Qara Su basin and the Mugan Plain. The presence of similar pottery types and decorative techniques among these settlements suggests a coherence in ceramic traditions, which can be referred to as a new Neolithic culture.In the northern Aras River basin and the southern Caucasus, the Neolithic process appears later compared to the Fertile Crescent and the Lake Urmia basin. Based on this, it can be concluded that Neolithic cultures in northwest Iran originated from the Lilan Plain and developed in the Lake Urmia basin, then experienced growth and flourishing in the Qara Su-Mugan Steppe area. This region can be considered a linking zone between the Neolithic cultures of the Lake Urmia basin and the southern Caucasus. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_105457.html AbstractAhranjan Tepe is a prehistoric mound located in the Salmas Plain of northwestern Iran, in West Azerbaijan Province. The presence of a ten-meter-deep Late Neolithic deposit suggests that the site functioned as a principal regional center during the Late Neolithic period (Hasanlu X horizon). Excavations were undertaken to investigate the cultural conditions of northwestern Iran during this time span. Following the Late Neolithic occupation, Ahranjan appears to have been abandoned. This paper examines the cultural relationships between the Salmas Plain and neighboring regions through a detailed presentation of the site’s stratigraphy, burial practices, ovens, architectural remains, and associated small finds. Radiocarbon dates, in conjunction with relative chronological analysis and excavation results, indicate cultural connections between Ahranjan and sites such as Hajji Firuz Tepe and Jarmo in Mesopotamia. The article further aims to clarify the cultural sequence of the mound and to address the question of whether the site contains evidence of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN), or whether occupation began only during the Pottery Neolithic period. The research results include the discovery of mass human burials within residential spaces and the identification of distinctive thermal oven pits, which appear to be unique and have not been reported at other sites.Keywords: Northwestern Iran, Lake Urmia Basin, Late Neolithic, Group Burial. 1. IntroductionThe cultural materials of Ahranjan have close similarities, especially with Jarmo on the one hand, and also with other contemporary sites, including Hajji Firuz and Yanik Tepe in the Lake Urmia basin on the other. However, despite some similarities, it has fundamental differences with Hajji Firuz, despite the fact that all Neolithic sites are on the same horizon as each other, but they also have structural differences. With regard to the cultural materials of Ahranjan, it must be acknowledged that this site does not fit into the framework of the Hajji Firuz culture that was introduced earlier and has more different characteristics than Hajji Firuz and other sites on the same horizon and has its own cultural characteristics. The archaeological excavation of Ahranjan Tepe was carried out with the aim of updating and accurately explaining the cultural sequence of the Neolithic period in the Lake Urmia basin, explaining the phases and settlement layers, examining pottery kilns, burial methods, presenting relative and absolute chronology, and also providing documentary evidence of the presence of a late Neolithic culture that is different from other cultures of the same horizon. 2. Archaeological BackgroundIn the Archaeological literature, Northwest Iran is primarily famed for the plains of the Lake Urmia Basin. The sphere of influence of the region’s culture, however, spreads over a much vaster zone. In the northern Basin, excavations at the Neolithic site of Tepe Hajji Firuz have yielded ceramics paralleling the material from the Early Hassuna sites such as Umm Dabaghiyah (Voigt 1983: 101). Dalma-type pottery has occurred at Tepe Sivan (Solecki 1973), Hajji Firuz (Voigt 1983: 80) and Pisdeli. The University of Pennsylvania Museum’s long-lasting Hasanlu Project, started in 1956 under the general direction of Robert H. Dyson, is the most significant work in this basin (Dyson 1969). On the other hand, work in the northeastern basin of the lake began in 1960 by Charles Burney at Yanik Tepe, furnishing important results, among them the identification of the Trans-Caucasian culture’s infiltration into northwest Iran (Burney 1961, 1964). Excavations at Yanik Tepe revealed a sequence spanning the Neolithic (Hasanlu Period X or Hajji Firuz Period), i.e. sixth millennium B.C.E., to the second half of the first millennium B.C.E.  3. Work ProcedureAhranjan Tepe has an area measuring 25 x 52 meters, equivalent to 1300 square meters, which is located in a north-south direction, 4.5 meters above the surrounding land. It is necessary to explain that the archaeological layers and deposits of the Tepe were 10 meters thick. Prior to the excavation, a topographic map of the mound was made. The excavation followed a locus and feature approach. Some nine phases were documented on the whole. In the course of the excavation, burials, architectural remains, and a pit were recovered, a brief outline of which follows. 4. DiscussionIn summary, in this article, we set out to describe the cultural materials of the late Neolithic period in the region. Based on the results of the cultural materials of Ahranjan, the excavation of Ahranjan provided valuable information about the late Neolithic. With regard to absolute chronology and the date of 6940 ± 50 BP, Tepe Ahranjan is on the same horizon as Tepe Hajji Firuz. This excavation yielded thermal structures, human burials, and architectural remains, which to some extent clarified the cultural situation of the New Neolithic of Salmas-Northwest. Regarding human burials, it should be stated that the differences in burial styles go back to the religious beliefs of Neolithic societies, especially since the Neolithic society was highly religious, so the burials of Ahranjan were also carried out in line with religious matters. Neolithic human burials, often found within architectural contexts, have been reported at most Neolithic sites. The pottery of Ahranjan is also comparable to that of Hajji Firuz, however, it has some differences and similarities, and the most important difference between Ahranjan and Hajji Firuz pottery is that the type of painted pottery is rarely found in Ahranjan and is more similar to earlier vessels. Other important findings include large, tub-shaped thermal structures that have been identified in various dimensions and phases. This tradition is specific to the Lake Urmia basin. These structures, which are on average 45 to 60 cm deep, have an orange mud wall 3 cm thick, whose inner surface has been blackened by heat. Their contents consist of a thick accumulation of ash and fine charcoal particles. 5. ConclusionIn the late Neolithic period, known as Hasanlu X, the Urmia Lake basin was not uninhabited and was introduced by the Haji Firuz culture, although there are brief reports on other sites, including Yanik Tepe. However, the research at Ahranjan is considered a turning point in the Neolithic of the Northwest because we are faced with new, but different, information and knowledge. This information is about the type of burials, the remains of thermal kilns, pottery making techniques, and structures related to pottery firing. Ahranjan was a large and important site that had relations with Jarmo because Ahranjan is a wider part of the late Neolithic area. Ahranjan Tepe, 10 meters high, is located in the Salmas Plain and, considering that it includes a thick deposit of the Late Neolithic period, is considered one of the key points of the northwestern areas of Iran, so it is important to address it and provides useful information from this period. Ahranjan Tepe is the most significant and largest prehistoric site (2.6 hectares) northwest of Lake Urmia, located in the fertile Salmas Plain; this cultural area is located at the communication distance that connects the Iranian Plateau and the Lake Urmia basin to the South Caucasus region on one side and to eastern Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia on the other. In this article, we have examined the cultural tradition of the late Neolithic and tried to provide a clear understanding of the cultural situation of the important Neolithic period in the northwest basin of Lake Urmia by providing detailed excavation and study of cultural materials. One of the problems of archaeology in the northwest basin is the lack of sufficient information about the late Neolithic period, so new research can be a new information in the studies of the Northwest Neolithic period. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_96489.html Historical data and reports have the ability to be matched with mythological and epic content. The emergence of special conditions in history and its similarity with epic or mythological conditions leads to the reproduction of historical characters with epic patterns. The endangerment of Iranshahr in the national narrative is the most important reason for the emergence of heroes who protect the dignity of Iran. The attack of the Turanians on Iran leads to prolonged battles, in which the warriors of Iran protect Iran's border and territory with various sacrifices. In fact, the narrative of the invading East and the emergence of epics and the subsequent brilliance of the warriors are the most important pillars of Iran's national narratives. The same plan and pattern is repeated from the middle of the Sassanid period onwards, when the Turks and Huns attacked Iranshahr. During this period, Bahram Chubin is fighting with the eastern enemy as a warrior and is trying to protect Iran. It seems that the myth of Arash, which ironically has roots in the Mehran dynasty (cognate with Arash Kamangir), is canonized and used as a model and example of Bahram Chobin from the epic in the late Sassanid era. In this research, we intend to test the hypothesis of the role model of Arash Kamangir's mythological narrative for Bahram Chubineh with descriptive and analytical methods. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_106325.html Kerman Province, the largest province in the country, is located in the southeast of the Central Iranian Plateau. This province encompasses numerous archaeological sites such as Jiroft, Yahya, Tepe Abrish, among others. To date, a significant number of metal artifacts have been recovered from these sites, most of which are housed in museums. This paper investigates two copper-based objects from the Herandi Museum in Kerman: Object 1 (registration number 11593), a vessel-form artifact, and Object 2 (registration number 11594), an artifact in the form of a mirror or a functional tool. The primary research questions addressed are: What are the manufacturing techniques, alloy composition, identification, and stability of the corrosion products on these bronze objects from the Herandi Museum, and what role do these factors play in the preservation of these two artifacts? To this end, analytical techniques including X-ray radiography, Scanning Electron Microscopy with Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (SEM-EDX), and X-ray Diffraction (XRD) were employed. Based on the X-ray and SEM-EDX analyses, it was determined that these artifacts are composed of a copper-arsenic (Cu-As) alloy. Given the high percentage of arsenic, they are classified as arsenical bronzes, which exhibit good workability and toughness. Furthermore, SEM analysis indicates that these two objects were manufactured using cold-working and annealing techniques. Radiographic images reveal a sound metallic core in both artifacts. XRD analysis, conducted to identify the principal corrosion products (damage) on these objects, identified chloride, carbonate, and oxide corrosion products. pH measurements of the corrosion products, correlated with the Pourbaix diagram, indicate that the most significant corrosion products at pH levels of 4.5 and 5 are malachite, atacamite, and brochantite. These corrosion products were confirmed to be present on the artifacts through X-ray diffraction analysis.Keywords: Archaeometallurgy, Arsenical Bronze, Copper Alloys, Corrosion Products, SEM-EDX, Kerman, Iran. 1. IntroductionArsenical copper alloys represent one of the copper-based alloys of particular importance in the Early Bronze Age. Throughout the 4th millennium BCE and into the Late Bronze Age, arsenical copper alloys were produced and utilized across the Near East, with tin bronze completely replacing arsenical alloys around 1500 BCE (Lechtman H. et al., 1996).Recent decades of metallurgical research on the Iranian Plateau demonstrate that copper-arsenic was not merely a ‘provisional’ or ‘inferior’ material, but rather a successful and widely used alloy with desirable mechanical properties and a distinct place in the economy and technology of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods (Heskel, 1982; Thornton, 2009). Archaeological evidence points to a complex technological sequence in southeastern Iran. This sequence began with the sophisticated use of native copper at sites such as Tepe Yahya in the 5th millennium BCE (Thornton et al., 2002), gradually evolved towards the exploitation of natural copper-arsenic minerals like domeykite (Cu₃As) and algodonite (Cu₅₋₆As), as well as the smelting of copper from oxide ores in the 4th millennium BCE (with early crucible smelting evidence observed at Tal-e Iblis), and culminated in the widespread production of alloyed artifacts in the 3rd millennium BCE (Karlovsky & Potts, 2001). A potential, rare source of arsenic for the region is the Anarak-Talmessi polymetallic ore deposit in central Iran, which contains significant surface deposits of these arsenides (Smith, 1965; Heskel & Karlovsky, 1980). However, as Thornton (2009) emphasizes, direct archaeological or archaeometric evidence for prehistoric exploitation of these mines is still lacking, and this hypothesis requires confirmation through future field studies. The production and use of arsenical copper was not confined to a single region; evidence has been reported from numerous key sites in southeastern Iran, including Shahr-i Sokhta (Hauptmann et al, 2003), Shahdad (Vatandoust, 1999), Jiroft (Majidzadeh, 2003), and Espidej-Bazman (Sabouhi Sani, 2017; Meier et al, 2011; Pourzarghan et al, 2023). The status of this alloy type in the creation of Early Bronze Age artifacts reflects the functioning and behavior of a civilization capable of harnessing this specific metallurgical knowledge for the purposes of daily life. Its widespread distribution indicates a network for the exchange of technical knowledge and possibly raw materials across a vast area of the Iranian Plateau. Nevertheless, a detailed examination of the technological trajectory and distribution patterns of these alloys, particularly in relation to broader cultural interactions during the 3rd millennium BCE (such as Proto-Elamite influence and contacts with Central Asia), still requires integrated research (Thornton, 2009). In any case, the first raw material used for copper smelting was undoubtedly obtained from oxide ore deposits (Rapp Jr., 1998). As mentioned, arsenical alloys constitute a significant part of the highly important cultural artifacts of the Early Bronze Age and hold a special place within cultural heritage and archaeology. Most of these artifacts have been recovered from sites such as Tepe Sagzabad (Boscher, 2016; Mortazavi et al, 2011), Arisman (Thornton, 2010), Tepe Yahya (Thornton et al., 2002; Thornton and Karlovsky, 2004, 267; Piggot, 2004:30-34), Tepe Hissar &  Tepe Malyan (Thornton et al., 2009), and Tepe Miamantabad (Kashani et al., 2013) (Thornton and Lamberg-Karlovsky, 2004, 267). Iran is, in fact, one of the most ideal regions for the production of arsenical copper, involving the smelting of complex arsenic-sulfide ores (Thornton et al., 2009), as discussed in the aforementioned sites, and holds particular importance in archaeometallurgical investigations.Given that the artifacts under study lack a specific provenance and are housed in the collection of the Herandi Museum in Kerman (Daei Parizi, 2016; Naghavi, 2010), they could potentially be among the artifacts recovered from archaeological sites in Kerman province. Information on manufacturing technology encompasses the materials and methods for evaluating their metallurgy in ancient times (Thornton, 2009). Most metal artifacts, having been buried for extended periods, have undergone corrosion (Scott, 2002; Chase, 1999). The artifacts under study exhibit corrosion with green and red surface layers, along with deposits of dust. In any case, these objects are examined as historical documents and from an aesthetic perspective .In this context, the collection of metal artifacts in the Herandi Museum of Kerman, which largely lacks precise provenance, holds particular importance as a research dataset. Preliminary stylistic and typological analysis reveals similarities between this collection and finds from major sites in southeastern Iran, such as Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, and Jiroft. Therefore, a scientific study of a portion of this collection can contribute to a better understanding and identification of the technical capabilities, alloying preferences—aiming at stability in corrosion products as per the conducted analyses—and exchange networks in the region during the Late Bronze Age. The primary objective of this research is to identify the manufacturing technology of two metal artifacts with unknown provenance in the Herandi Museum of Kerman, focusing on the analysis of their metallurgical microstructure (metallography). 2. Introduction to the artifacts under studyThis research focuses on two bronze artifacts from the Harandi Museum in Kerman, Iran. Artifact No. 1, with registration number 11593, is a plate with outward-folded edges, as shown in images (1a-c). This vessel is simple and devoid of decorations, with its surface covered by environmental and mineral deposits. It has also undergone significant corrosion. On the rim of this artifact, an inventory number is inscribed. Artifact No. 2, depicted in images (2a-b) with registration number 11594, consists of a handle and a base (support). Based on the examination and research conducted on these artifacts, it can be concluded that the two objects studied in this project are confiscated items and belong to the Harandi Garden Museum in Kerman. The artifacts likely date back to 2600–2400 BCE and serve as historical evidence from this region. 3. Materials and MethodsAnalytical studies were conducted using optical microscopy. Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) coupled with Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (EDX) was employed to identify the elemental composition and alloy structure of the artifacts. The SEM-EDX analysis was performed using a VEGAII TESCAN instrument manufactured in the Czech Republic. The EDS analysis was carried out using a Rontec Quantax/QX2 system from Germany at the Razi Metallurgical Research Center in Tehran, Iran. X-ray Diffraction (XRD) was utilized to determine the crystalline phases and identify the crystal structure of the samples. For this purpose, an X-ray diffractometer model PW1800 by PHILIPS (supplied by Bime Gostar Taban Co.) was used. Sample preparation involved creating a homogeneous powder from the study samples with a grain size of less than 45 microns, followed by drying at 60°C for 24 hours to remove moisture. The experimental parameters included a Bragg angle (2θ) range of 5° to 70°, a step size of 0.05°, and a time per step of 1 second. The X-ray source used was a copper tube (Cu-Kα) with a wavelength of 1.5406 Å. The obtained data were processed using the HighScore Plus software (version 2016) and matched with the ICDD database. Additionally, pH measurements of the corrosion products were conducted using a Metrohm 744 pH meter (manufactured in the USA) by ASTM D4972-1 standards at the Faculty of Conservation and Restoration in Isfahan. 4. DiscussionThe radiography of Artifact No. 1 (Registration No. 11593) reveals a healthy metallic core, as indicated by the gray tonalities in the images. Similarly, the central portion of Artifact No. 2 (Registration No. 11594) also exhibits a well-preserved metallic core. According to Figure 1, environmental contaminants such as gypsum and calcite indicate the presence of a carbonate and sulfate-rich environment. Additionally, the presence of albite and muscovite suggests the existence of alkali feldspars in this environment. To identify and assess the stability of the corrosion products on these artifacts, the samples were subjected to pH testing. The pH of the corrosion products was measured to be between 4.5 and 5, indicating acidic conditions. These findings were further analyzed using Pourbaix diagrams, as illustrated in Figure 2. Based on the EDX analysis, it was determined that the artifacts in question contain a high percentage of arsenic. Artifact No. 1 contains 1.1% arsenic, while Artifact No. 2 contains 2.7% arsenic, classifying them as arsenical bronzes (see: Fig.1). Additionally, in Artifact No. 2, approximately 3% chlorine was detected at Point 2. The presence of sulfur at Points B and C in Image 7 indicates the formation of corrosion products such as brochantite and anilite. At Point D in Image 7, zinc was detected at 2.7%. Furthermore, 1.46% iron was identified as an impurity. Traces of zinc were observed in both artifacts. The presence of zinc in these artifacts suggests that smithsonite (zinc carbonate) may have been roasted to oxidize it, then heated in a crucible with metallic copper and charcoal to produce various copper alloys (Pollard & Heron, 1996). In Image 8 of Artifact No. 2, the compacted layers in its structure, arranged in parallel and oblique patterns, indicate that the manufacturing technique involved cold-working. Subsequently, annealing was employed to shape and form the vessel (Scott, 1991, p. 8). 5. ConclusionThe results of this laboratory study on two arsenical bronze artifacts from the Herandi Museum in Kerman provide new insights into the preservation status, material composition, and manufacturing technology of metallurgy in southeastern Iran during the late 3rd millennium BCE.Radiographic findings indicate that both objects possess a sound metallic core, with only Object 2 lacking a core at its edges.The copper-arsenic alloy composition, containing zinc—likely obtained through the co-smelting of arsenic- and zinc-rich oxide/carbonate ores (possibly from ores such as Smithsonite (ZnCO₃) and Sphalerite (ZnS))—aligns with findings from key sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. This reflects a technological mastery in the selection and preparation of complex raw materials, reinforcing the region’s potential role as a center for producing multi-component alloys. Metallographic examinations confirm a conventional manufacturing sequence involving cold working followed by annealing. This procedural pattern, employed to balance hardness and malleability, demonstrates the establishment and dissemination of an advanced “technological style” in the region. From a conservation perspective, the identification of active bronze disease, caused by the presence of chlorides and an acidic surface environment, serves as a serious warning regarding the vulnerability of these objects to fluctuations in ambient humidity. This finding clearly underscores the necessity of implementing preventive conservation interventions and maintaining precise control over display and storage conditions. Overall, this study demonstrates that even artifacts lacking a specific provenance can, through targeted laboratory methods, reveal valuable information about their technological lineage and material status. The present data serve as a foundation for linking this museum collection to the broader geography of metal production and consumption in Bronze Age Iran, while also highlighting the need to expand such studies to include more samples and employ advanced tracing techniques (such as lead isotope analysis) to more precisely map the networks of raw material and technology exchange in the future. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_98048.html AbstractEarthquakes are natural events that are beyond human control, but they create consequences and changes that transform, alter, or modify human structures, settlements, and cultures. Godin Tepe is one of the ancient sites in western Iran where evidence of at least two earthquake events in different periods has been identified through archaeological excavations. One of these destructive earthquakes occurred at the end of Phase 2 of Layer III at Godin Tepe, which appears to have led to environmental and cultural changes not only at Godin Tepe but also throughout the Kangavar Plain. One piece of evidence for this is the significant reduction in settlement sites during the period following Phase II of Godin III in the Kangavar Plain; this decline in settlements is also observed in the Iron Age in the region. Towards the end of the Godin III2 period and the (Post Godin III) IIIp-2 period, changes occurred in the settlements of the Kangavar Plain, indicating a shift in lifestyle from sedentism to nomadism. In this context, the present study seeks to explore the reasons behind this change in settlement patterns by examining the contributing factors. The main research question is: How can the factors influencing the change in the settlement pattern of the Kangavar Plain after the III2 period of Godin are investigated. The research method is based on documentary data collection and employs a descriptive-analytical approach. In this study, climatic factors, political conditions (war and violence), and the earthquake that occurred during this period in the region were examined. Given the climatic and political stability of the region in the second half of the second millennium BCE, the earthquake is considered a significant reason for the change in the lifestyle of the people in the Kangavar region.Keywords: Arthquake, Kangavar Plain, Godin III2, Godin IIIp-2, Settlement Pattern Change, Nomadism. 1. IntroductionEarthquakes are natural events that have occurred in Iran since ancient times, both in prehistoric and historical periods, due to the country’s seismic activity and the presence of active faults in the region. Disaster archaeology, in the context of earthquakes, examines and evaluates the impact of such disasters on communities after their occurrence, assessing the vulnerability of societies that experience them. It proposes earthquakes as one of the drivers of cultural change (Torrence & Grattan, 2002: 1, 2). During the archaeological excavations conducted by Cuyler Young between 1965 and 1973 at Godin Tepe in the central Zagros region (Young & Levine, 1974), evidence from the Godin III period, specifically in phases III5, III4, and III2, suggested that earthquakes had occurred at the end of these phases. Young hypothesized that these earthquakes led to the abandonment of Godin Tepe for periods of up to a century before the site was reoccupied (Young & Levine, 1974: 27, 28; Henrickson, 1987: 216, 220, 224; Gopnik & Rothman, 2011: 198, 200, 205).In the III2 layer of Godin, it is observed that towards the end of this phase, the lifestyle of the communities in the Kangavar Plain shifted from sedentism to nomadism. Additionally, in the subsequent period, there was a significant reduction in the number of settlement sites, which is inferred from the increase in non-settlement locations during this period in the region (Henrickson, 1986: 24). This research aims to identify the reasons behind the change in the settlement pattern of the Kangavar region from sedentism to nomadism in the late Godin III2 period, as well as the decline in settlements in the plain after the Godin III2 period. It seeks to investigate the factors influencing this shift in the region’s lifestyle. 2. Analysis and decisionThe central Zagros region, with its numerous active faults, is considered one of the seismically active areas of Iran. Evidence of prehistoric earthquakes in this region has been uncovered through excavations at Godin Tepe. The III2 layer of Godin Tepe is one of the layers where evidence of an earthquake, such as thick mud-brick debris, displaced walls, collapsed structures, and broken pottery on floors, was discovered during Kyle Young’s excavations at the site (Young, 1969: 11). Young and Henrickson believe that the final abandonment of this layer was likely due to a severe earthquake that occurred at the end of the Godin III2 period (around 1600 BCE) (Young & Levine, 1974: 22; Henrickson, 2011: 270). Based on archaeological investigations in the Kangavar region and its surrounding areas, it can be stated that during or towards the end of the Godin III2 phase, there was an increase in nomadic lifestyles, which may have led to a rise in the number of settlement sites in phase III2 (Henrickson, 1986: 24). In the subsequent period (post-III2 phase), the distribution pattern of sites from this phase suggests the migration of pastoral nomads. So far, evidence from this phase has only been found in burial contexts during excavations. The presence of remote cemeteries, separate from ancient mounds, indicates that significant social and economic changes may have occurred (Henrickson, 1987: 213; Mazahéri, 2013: 81). Cemeteries unrelated to settlement sites are considered reflective of a nomadic lifestyle (Tala’i, 2014: 107).Based on this, it is conceivable that after the catastrophic earthquake during the Godin III phase 2, the surviving population must have sought ways to continue their lives. Archaeological evidence does not indicate the exact timing or season of the earthquake, but we can reasonably assume, given the population decline or severe reduction, that the remaining population migrated to surrounding areas. This is similar to what happened in contemporary times following the 1957 Farsinaj and 1963 Karkaneh earthquakes in the Kangavar region, where some villages were abandoned or relocated due to severe destruction. The relocation of some villages was due to the extensive damage to houses, making debris removal and reconstruction impractical, leading to the construction of new homes in different locations while leaving the old villages in ruins. Additionally, some villages were abandoned due to water shortages caused by the drying up of springs following these earthquakes (Rahbar & Young, 1975: 41, 53, 111; Mohammadi Far & Motarjem, 2001: 172, 220).Given these reasons, the change in settlement patterns and the decline in settlements after the second phase of Godin III can be attributed to the earthquake at Godin Tepe. Earthquakes are often accompanied by changes in the environment and water resources in affected areas, sometimes causing springs to dry up, altering river courses, reducing water levels, or increasing river flows. Additionally, earthquakes leave psychological trauma and fear among survivors, as evidenced by research on recent earthquakes in Iran, such as the 2017 Sarpol-e Zahab earthquake, which shows that severe fear, stress, and phobias related to ceilings and nighttime are psychological impacts of post-earthquake situations (Elyasi Sarzeli, 2019: 5). The consequences of such events affect earthquake survivors for years, even across three generations (Persho et al., 2020: 1399). Therefore, changes in environmental conditions, loss of water resources, and fear of another earthquake could be reasons for the shift in settlement patterns in the Kangavar Plain during the mid-second millennium BC. 3. ConclusionBased on archaeological investigations conducted in the central Zagros region, research indicates that during the mid-second millennium BC and the period following Godin III2, there was a gradual shift in the settlement pattern of the region from sedentism to nomadism. In this study, the general factors influencing cultural changes in the region were examined. Climatic conditions were analyzed, and it was determined that although the region experienced three cold and dry climatic events during the late Holocene, the climate in the mid-second millennium BCE was warm, humid, and favorable, ruling it out as the primary reason for the change in settlement patterns. Another factor that occurred during this time in the region, with evidence found in the Godin III2 layer, is an earthquake. According to the excavator of the site, the earthquake occurred towards the end of this period. The evidence suggests that the earthquake was significant. Given that earthquake evidence has also been observed in the III5 and III4 layers of Godin Tepe, as well as the high seismic activity of the Kangavar region due to active faults such as Sahneh, Dinavar, and Nahavand, the occurrence of such an earthquake was not unexpected. Additionally, investigations in the Kangavar region revealed a significant decline in the number of settlement sites from the Godin III2 phase to the IIIp-2 phase. During this period, the total area occupied by settlements in the plain was estimated to be around 7 hectares, compared to approximately 27 hectares in the preceding period. This statistic itself highlights the collapse of settlements in the Kangavar Plain following the earthquake.  https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_105114.html AbstractThe Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, located in the Babol district and encompassing approximately 11 hectares, represents one of the richest Iron Age sites in both Mazandaran and Iran. Situated in the foothills of the central Alborz Mountains, the site was excavated over two field seasons in 2018 and 2019. These investigations resulted in the identification of 39 analyzable burials, along with a diverse assemblage of associated grave goods, including pottery vessels, ornaments, decorative items, and weapons. This study seeks to establish both relative and absolute chronologies through comparative analysis of selected artifacts, supplemented by radiocarbon dating of human remains and charcoal samples. In addition, it addresses questions concerning cultural interactions between Shahneh Poshte and both intra-regional sites within Mazandaran and extra-regional sites across the Iranian Plateau. The funerary assemblages indicate that the majority of burials and material culture correspond closely to local Mazandaran stylistic traditions. However, certain objects exhibit affinities with broader trans-regional formal styles characteristic of areas such as Gilan, Gorgan, the central Iranian Plateau, and northwestern Iran during the late second and first millennia BC. Radiocarbon analysis of five human skeletons, yielding dates from the late second millennium to the second half of the first millennium BC, corroborates the relative chronology established through typological comparison. On the basis of combined relative and absolute chronological assessments of the 39 burials, 29 graves can be assigned to Iron Age I–III, while the remaining 10 are attributable to the late Achaemenid–early Parthian period (Iron IV). As at other significant Iron Age cemeteries, pottery constitutes the principal diagnostic category for establishing relative chronology at Shahneh Poshte. The range and typology of ceramic vessels demonstrate strong stylistic and cultural connections with contemporaneous sites within Mazandaran and across Iran more broadly.Keywords: Shahneh Poshte Cemetery, Relative and Absolute Chronology, Iron Age, Human Burials, Funerary Objects. 1. IntroductionThe Iron Age and its early stages are among the most questionable and complex archaeological topics in Iran and fundamental questions about it are still being raised after years of archaeological excavations. From the beginning until now, the focus of research on the Iron Age in Iran has been mainly on the Central Plateau, Zagros and especially northwestern regions, which was first established by Dyson’s extensive excavations at Hasanlu and the study of other important sites in the Solduz and Oshnavieh plains such as Yanik Tepe, Geoy Tepe, Haftvan, Dinkhah and Aqrab Tepe (see Dyson, 1965a; Dyson and Muscarella. 1989). In other words, other problems related to study of the Iron Age in Iran are dating, presenting a chronology and dividing it into three stages which was previously done based on the Hasanlu project. Now, with our increasing knowledge of different regions of Iran, the need to review the chronology and the way in which the Bronze Age cultures ended, the transition process and the beginning of the Iron Age is felt more than ever. However, studies related to Iron Age cultures in different regions of Iran have not been conducted in the same way, and many regions including northern slopes of the Alborz and the plains of the southern margin of Caspian Sea are full of ambiguities about processes of the beginning of the Iron Age and its developmental stages. In this regard and based on a study of one of the Iron Age societies in northern Iran, the present study attempts to address the questions of this important field by providing absolute dating of five human burials and two charcoal samples from the settlement area, as well as a comparative study of the cultural materials of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery and their comparative studies within the Iron Age chronology of Mazandaran and Iran. In other words, the combination of absolute and relative dating is one of the most advanced projects in explaining the chronology of Iron Age of Mazandaran and northern Iran, which will partially address the challenges of the limited knowledge of this period in this field and will answer questions about the absolute and relative date and sequence of use of this site, the chronological relationship of the burials of site with each other, as well as explaining the chronology of Iron Age and historical period of Mazandaran and some cultural regions of Iran. 2. DiscussionOne of the most important aspects of the Shahneh Poshte cemetery study, which distinguishes it among the many Iron Age sites in the Mazandaran region and Iran, is the absolute carbon-14 dating studies on a number of human remains and cultural materials from this cemetery. A total of 7 absolute dating samples, including 5 human burial remains and 2 charcoal samples from two settlement trenches, clearly show that 39 burials at this site are located in the Iron I to Achaemenid-Early Parthian period (Iron IV), such that burial number 3 is related to Iron I (1008-1216 BCE/1192-1047 BCE), burial number 8 is related to late Iron I and early Iron II (917-1108 BCE/936-1043 BCE), burial number 35 is related to the Iron II period (834-925 BCE/822-983 BCE), burial number 18 is related to the late Achaemenid/Iron IV period (338 BCE) and finally burial number 20 belongs to late Achaemenid-Early Parthian period (Iron IV/4th to 2nd centuries BCE). In addition to the absolute dating of human burials, also two absolute dating samples were extracted from trench 7 and contexts 4 and 5 with settlement evidence which are very valuable in their own right. Therefore, two charcoal samples from Context 4 dated 215±30 BCE and Context 5 dated 160±30 BCE in Trench 7 showed that the Shahneh Poshte cemetery was used simultaneously as a cemetery and settlement space after the end of Iron III during the Achaemenid, Seleucid and early Parthian periods (in line with burial findings of Trench 6). Also, comparative studies for relative dating including the morphology of the body and handle and the color of the vessels in forms such as gray, red, brown, red-orange jars and jugs, bowls, vessels with solar bodies and handles, milk jugs, tripod vessels as well as weapons, ornaments and some structures of the graves, in line with the absolute dates of the site, exactly complement the chronological framework of Shahneh Poshte and all can be dated to the Iron Ages I, II, III and finally IV (late Achaemenid to early Parthian), generally the 12th to 3rd centuries BC. In fact, these objects are clearly comparable with contemporaneous intra-regional sites in Mazandaran province as well as other regions including the Gorgan Plain, Gilan, central plateau and northwest Iran. Based on the archaeological evidence, it seems that during the Iron I-III periods and then Iron IV (Achaemenid to early Parthian period), there is a great deal of similarity between Iron Age sites in large parts of Iran. Among these, Iron Age of Mazandaran has the greatest similarity with the Gilan region sites such as Qaleh-e-Kuti I and II, Kalvarz, Meryan, Tandovin, Tol, as well as with the Central Plateau region with sites such as Sagzabad and Qeytariyeh. 3. ConclusionAs one of the large and very rich cemeteries in the central Alborz basin in northern Iran, the Shahneh Poshte cemetery is an important site for a case study on the cultural trends and cultures of the Iron Age in northern Iran and the Mazandaran region. It can answer many questions about the processes of the region’s entry into the Iron Age, including socio-cultural changes, economic and nutritional patterns, burial traditions and practices, social classifications and common class systems, structures of graves and cultural-commercial connections within and outside the region through the study of burial data. Initial studies of the cultural materials of this site in the form of 39 burials and settlement contexts, as well as other surface artifacts obtained during two seasons of archaeological excavations indicate abundant typological connections with findings from neighboring Iron Age sites in Mazandaran and other parts of Iran, just as a major part of the chronology and sequence of the Iron Age in different regions of Iran is based on relative and comparative chronology with other regions. In summary, the diverse and diverse collection of graves in the Shahneh Poshte cemetery, based on absolute dating studies (5 samples of human skeletal and 2 charcoal samples from settlement contexts) as well as relative and comparative dating with intra-regional areas of Mazandaran and neighboring areas like the Gorgan Plain, Gilan, Semnan and the central plateau (Tehran, Rey, Qazvin, Karaj and Kashan) indicates a long-term history of use of site from the late 2nd millennium BCE to the early second half of the 1st millennium BCE. More precisely, the people of northern foothills of the Alborz mountain range in the south of the Babol region of Mazandaran used this space and place to bury their dead from the Iron Age I, probably continuously, to the Achaemenid, Seleucid and early Parthian periods (Iron IV) and have used their burial methods and traditions for several generations. The set of 7 absolute dating samples along with the study of dateable burial objects reveals the cultural and social trends of Shahneh Poshteh people society and thus makes a significant contribution to the reconstruction and compilation of the Iron Age chronology of Mazandaran and Iran. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_98925.html AbstractZoroaster is one of the most prominent and influential figures in the history of ancient Iran. Despite the importance of comprehending Zoroaster’s life history toward a better understanding of the cultural development processes of Iranian society, a variety of proposed dates from the Neolithic period to the Achaemenid period testifies to the difficulty of conducting research on this issue. The variety of proposed dates that had been derived from classical sources, Pahlavi texts and literature of the Islamic period were later regulated by linguistic studies and archaeological data. In this research, based on linguistic studies, an attempt has been made to examine and evaluate the archaeological data of the second and first millennia BCE of the Central Asia, with the aim of verifying the feasibility of their connection with the Zoroastrian religion. In this regard, the raised question is: to what extent can we establish a connection between the developments of the second millennium BCE in the eastern Iranian milieu and the emergence of Zoroaster? Moreover, what information does the archaeological data of the Iron Age of Central Asia provides about Zoroastrianism? In order to answer the proposed questions, library research methods (encompassing archaeological field reports) with a descriptive-analytical approach have been used. The results of this research show that during the late Bactrian-Margiana culture and the beginning of the Iron Age, certain cultural developments were taking place simultaneously, which could be evaluated and interpreted in the context of Zoroastrianism based on linguistic studies and archaeological data. The Bactrian-Margiana and Early Iron Age cultures had declined and a new culture with different socio-cultural traditions had emerged. The similarity of the class system of this period with the system reflected in the Gathas, shows that the idea that the Gathas’ society is the same as the Early Iron Age society of Central Asia seems logical and also emphasizes the religious developments aspect. It is possible to connect the aforementioned developments in the context of South Central Asia with the emergence of a new religion and prophet. A prophet who probably appeared in the east of the Iranian milieu in ca. 1700-1500 BCE and became the founder of one of the oldest and most influential religions of the ancient world.Keywords: Zoroaster, Iron Age, Central Asia, Burial Custom, Fire Temple. 1. IntroductionOne of the most complex issues in Iranian studies concerns the wide range of speculations regarding the life and chronological setting of Zoroaster. An examination of classical sources (Pliny, N.H. 30.1.3; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris, 46–7; Laertius, I.1.2), Zoroastrian religious texts (Le Livre d’Ardā Vīrāz, 1.1–4; Vizidagiha-i Zādisparam, 25.12; Bundahišn, 22.240), and works by authors of the Islamic period (Masʿūdī, 1966: 415; Bīrūnī, 2010: 56; Mojmal al-tawāriḵ, 2010: 14) reveals that proposed dates for Zoroaster’s lifetime range from ca. 6000 BCE to the Achaemenid period. This question assumed a more systematic form with the linguistic analysis of the Gathas and their comparative study with the Rigveda (Boyce, 1979: 18; Gnoli, 1980: 174–178; Kreyenbroek, 2016: 13–25). If Zoroaster’s origins are to be located in the eastern regions of Greater Iran, as suggested by linguistic studies of the Gathas (Amouzgar & Tafazzoli, 1991: 21, 111), then archaeological data from Central Asia, considered alongside linguistic evidence, may contribute to informed hypotheses concerning his historical context. Although archaeological research has yielded limited direct evidence linking specific cultural traditions to religious doctrines, socio-political transformations during the transition from the Bactrian-Margiana Archaeological Complex to the Yaz culture may, in some cases, be interpreted in light of evolving religious ideologies. The advanced urban society of the Bactrian-Margiana culture, characterized by complex social and economic hierarchies and long-distance trade networks, declined between 1700 and 1500 BCE and was succeeded by the Yaz culture, with its attendant structural changes, around 1500–1300 BCE. In this later cultural horizon, villages replaced urban centers, and intricate urban hierarchies gave way to simpler socio-economic systems based on rural agriculture and pastoralism. Concurrently, ceramic traditions and mortuary practices underwent significant modification, with burial customs assuming a more standardized and integrated form. Given the close association between mortuary practice and religious belief, the departure from typical Bactrian-Margiana burial traditions and the emergence of relatively uniform mortuary customs under the Yaz culture suggest the possibility of religious transformation across southern Central Asia. Moreover, certain burial practices of this period appear to anticipate later Zoroastrian traditions. Notable examples include (1) the disappearance of inhumation graves and (2) the increasing practice of exposing corpses in open air. The discovery of architectural and material evidence interpreted as related to fire temples within the Yaz cultural sphere (Pidaev, 1974: 33–35; Askarov, 1982; Boucharlat, 2014: 10) further strengthens the argument for a tangible connection between this cultural milieu and emerging Zoroastrian traditions. In the present study, an effort has been made to reassess the historical context of Zoroaster through a critical examination of classical sources, Zoroastrian religious literature, and Islamic-period historiography, in conjunction with linguistic scholarship and archaeological data. The research proceeds from the assumption that the extensive social, economic, and cultural transformations observable during the transition from the Bactrian-Margiana culture to the Yaz culture—and the subsequent association of the Yaz cultural horizon with Zoroastrianism—reflect processes of religious development, including the adaptation and transformation of certain religious elements inherited from the Bactrian-Margiana tradition.2. The archaeological dataFollowing the decline of the Bactrian-Margiana Archaeological Complex and the emergence of a cultural horizon characterized by handmade and painted ceramics, diverse mortuary practices became widespread across southern Central Asia, some of which may be interpreted within the framework of later Zoroastrian traditions. (1) In one category, corpses were interred in a relatively simple manner, occasionally wrapped in a shroud-like covering. In certain cases, human bones appear to have shifted after deposition, likely due to decomposition occurring within a confined or covered space. This pattern has been documented at Early Iron Age sites such as Dzharkutan, Kuchuk-tepe, and Dal’verzin, and at Ulug-depe during the Middle Iron Age (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 283–284). At Kuchuk-tepe, bodies were placed upon a layer of pebbles (ibid.: 299), a practice reminiscent of the Zoroastrian injunction that a corpse should not come into direct contact with the soil. Evidence for the use of shrouds has also been reported in historical-period Zoroastrian burials in Central Asia (Kurkina, 2005: 62; Baratov, 2013: 33; Mousavinia, 2023: 24–35), continuing into the late Islamic centuries (Azargoshasb, 1969; Mousavinia, 2023: 143–148). (2) A second mortuary tradition involved collective burials, either simultaneous or successive. In some cases, remains were recovered as scattered bone fragments. This practice has been identified at Early Iron Age sites such as Dal’verzin and Dzharkutan (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 290–298), and at Geokchik-depe in the sixth and seventh centuries BCE (Lecomte, 2005: 465; Mashkour, 1998: 209). (3) Another category consists of shallow surface graves containing limited human bone fragments, some bearing cut marks. Examples have been documented at Dzharkutan and Dashly 30 (Early Iron Age), at Ulug-depe (Middle Iron Age), and at Edatguly (sixth–seventh centuries BCE) (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 283–302). (4) Secondary burial practices have also been recorded, indicating that the Xwaršēd Nigerišn rite was likely performed in open-air contexts before bones were gathered and redeposited in pits, either individually or collectively. This practice has been reported at Dzharkutan (Sellier & Bendezu-Sarmiento, 2013), at Chust and Tujabuguz (Early Iron Age), and at Tepe Zargaran during the Achaemenid period (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 297–303). (5) In certain cases, scattered human bone fragments—likely resulting from the performance of Xwaršēd Nigerišn—have been discovered at Early Iron Age sites such as Dal’verzin and Tujabuguz (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 303), as well as at Geokchik-depe (Lecomte, 2005: 466). This practice continued from the Early to the Middle Iron Age at Ulug-depe (Bendezu-Sarmiento, 2006) and is also attested in the Achaemenid period at Shortepa (Bendezu-Sarmiento & Lhuillier, 2015: 303).In addition to burial customs, archaeological evidence interpreted as Zoroastrian fire temples has been reported from Central Asia. Monumental ritual structures first appear in the Bronze Age (Boucharlat, 2014: 10) at sites such as Togolok 21 and Gonur (Sarianidi, 1998) and continue into the Middle Iron Age at Topaz Gala Depe (Wagner, 2014), Tillya Tepe (Sarianidi, 1989), Pachmak Tepe (Pidaev, 1974: 33–35), and Pshaktepa (Askarov, 1982). Although attributing the Bronze Age examples directly to Zoroastrianism remains problematic, consideration of the broader Middle Iron Age context in Central Asia—particularly in conjunction with contemporaneous mortuary traditions—permits a more substantiated discussion of the possible Zoroastrian character of such structures from approximately 1100 BCE onward. 3. ConclusionOne of the most complex issues in Iranology concerns the study of Zoroastrianism and the attempt to situate Zoroaster’s lifetime within the vast chronology of ancient Iran. Clarifying this question constitutes a crucial step toward establishing a more precise historical framework, which in turn enables a more accurate evaluation of archaeological data and a deeper understanding of the cultural developments of the period and its aftermath. Although accounts of Zoroaster’s life appear in classical sources, Pahlavi texts, and Islamic-era literature, the first systematic scholarly efforts to reconstruct his historical context were grounded in linguistic analysis. The close linguistic affinity between the Gathas and the Rigveda, together with philological dating, suggests that this oldest portion of the Avesta originated in northeastern Iran and was likely composed around 1700–1500 BCE. Concurrently, archaeological evidence from Central Asia has illuminated additional dimensions of early Zoroastrian traditions. The identification of fire temple structures at sites such as Topaz Gala Depe, Tillya Tepe, Pachmak Tepe, and Pshaktepa, dating to the Middle Iron Age, indicates that 1100 BCE may represent the latest plausible date for Zoroaster’s lifetime. Conversely, the diversity of burial traditions associated with the Xwaršēd Nigerišn rite, attested from approximately 1500 BCE onward, suggests that his historical context may extend several centuries earlier. Notably, this chronological horizon corresponds with linguistic assessments of the Gathas and the dating of their archaic vocabulary.This period coincides with substantial socio-cultural transformations in Central Asia, some of which may be interpreted in light of evolving religious ideologies. The decline of the Bactrian-Margiana Archaeological Complex and the emergence of the Yaz culture marked a transition from urban centers to village-based settlement patterns, from complex urban hierarchies to simpler rural systems grounded in agriculture and pastoralism, alongside the appearance of new ceramic traditions and increasingly standardized burial practices. The divergence of this emerging culture from Bactrian-Margiana traditions, together with the growing uniformity of mortuary customs, may plausibly reflect processes of religious transformation. Furthermore, parallels between the tripartite social structure reflected in the Gathas and the social organization characteristic of Early Iron Age Central Asia lend support to the argument that the society described in the Gathas corresponds broadly to that archaeological horizon, underscoring the likelihood of significant religious developments during this era. Within this broader South Central Asian context, it is therefore plausible to associate these transformations with the emergence of a new religious movement and its prophetic founder—likely active in the eastern Iranian cultural sphere around 1700–1500 BCE—who would come to be regarded as the originator of one of the most ancient and influential religions of the premodern world. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_100400.html The relocation of the administrative and political center of the Hormuz Kingdom from coastal Hormuz to Jarun Island was one of the significant events influencing the political and economic transformations in the Persian Gulf during the late 7th century. This relocation created a new position for the transportation of goods and, as a result, created new trade routes. Hormuz was connected to Jiruft and then to Kerman through a main road, which was considered the most important route for land caravans to access the port of Hormuz until the 8th century AH. Numerous archaeological and historical evidence indicate that the use of this route gradually diminished during the 8th century AH and was replaced by an alternative route. At the same time, the emergence of new roads also provided suitable conditions for the growth and development of settlements and villages and led to the emergence of a new geographical, demographic, and social space. Since the issue of the relocation of trade centers from coastal Hormuz to Jarun Island and the formation of the road network in the northern regions of the Persian Gulf in the 8th century AH has not been studied and investigated using historical resources, the present article aims to examine this topic and uses the hypothesis of "the decline and prosperity of northern cities and settlements in the Persian Gulf is a consequence of change in the road network and relocation of trade centers" as its framework https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_106326.html AbstractThe Median Kingdom was a significant and influential period in the political and cultural history of Iran. Despite this, unfortunately, there is limited historical and archaeological data available, and there are fundamental ambiguities regarding various aspects of its existence, including historical geography and archaeological. One of the major challenges is the type of structure and geographical extent of the Median Kingdom. Did the Medes establish a great kingdom and settle in the conquered regions, particularly in the former territory of Assyria, spreading their cultural traditions in the area and leaving behind legacies? Or was their presence temporary and merely political and military? This research, relying on historical and archaeological sources and examining unpublished documents from the Iraqi Ministry of Antiquities, explores the presence of the Medes in the central regions of Mesopotamia, using analytical-historical methods and descriptive-analytical methods to provide evidence and documents that demonstrate the presence of the Medes in the areas discussed. According to Babylonian sources, the Medes not only had a strong military presence in northeastern Iraq and northern Syria, but they also appeared in the central regions of Mesopotamia and posed security threats to Babylon, to the extent that Babylon prepared extensive defensive fortifications to protect its northern borders and its capital. Archaeological data indicates that the presence of the Medes in northern and central Mesopotamia was accompanied by settlements and artifacts, the remnants of which have been identified in the regions of Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Rania, and Diyala. Among these, the mound of Gubba in the Diyala region is particularly significant due to its location in the southern areas near the borders of Babylon and its distinctive architecture and cultural materials. Despite the second-level designation of this site being attributed to the Achaemenid period, research data indicates that this settlement was established after the fall of Assyria, featuring different styles and materials, with modifications occurring during the Achaemenid period. The findings of this research, while confirming the attribution of this settlement and its cultural traditions to the Medes, demonstrate the presence and expansion of the Median Kingdom in the central regions of Mesopotamia.Keywords: Medes Kingdom, Medean Archaeology, Tell Gubba, Medean Architecture, Tell al-Dim. 1. IntroductionThe Median kingdom represents an important and influential period in the political and cultural history of Iran. Despite this, the historical and archaeological data are minimal, and there are fundamental ambiguities regarding various aspects of this kingdom. One significant challenge is the structure and political extent of the Medes, especially in the period following the fall of Assyria. A review of Babylonian texts, as well as data uncovered from the site of Gubba in the Hamrin region of Iraq, provides a new perspective on the geographical expansion and power of the Median kingdom and can create a suitable context for understanding the relations between the Medes and Babylonia in the mid-sixth century BCE, the role of the Medes in the fall of Babylon, and the presence of Median architectural traditions and cultural materials in the Mesopotamia. In light of this importance, the current research has been conducted. The research methodology incorporates historical-analytical data in the historical section and descriptive-analytical data in the archaeological section, with data collection tools being library resources and, to a limited extent, fieldwork. 2. Research Background  There has not been significant research conducted regarding the expansion and presence of the Medes in northeastern and central Iraq. On the other hand, due to the lack of focus on this specific historical period, the relatively brief existence of the Median kingdom in these areas, and the political confrontation of the former regime of Iraq towards this historical period, which consciously disregards it, and attributes several specific Median Settlement remains to the Achaemenid period, the available data is limited. The Hamrin region was first investigated by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Adams, 1965). In 1977, in connection with regional studies for the construction of the Diyala Dam, a Japanese archaeological team led by Hideo Fujii excavated the Tell Gubba site and published the results in 1981 (Fujiii, 1981). Unfortunately, the architectural data and the artifacts discovered from the second layer of the site have not been fully published. In Iran, Michael Roof was the first to mention the Median identity of this site (Roaf, 2008). Since then, despite a brief reference, no focused research on this topic has been conducted. 3. The presence of the Medes in central Iraq  The presence of the Medes in Iraq is confirmed at least through historical sources and limited archaeological evidence.3-1. Study of Babylonian SourcesUnfortunately, Babylonian sources provide very little information from the fall of Assyria to the rise of Cyrus the Achaemenid (Jursa, 2003: 169-171). It seems that after the fall of Assyria, contrary to the expectations of the king of Babylon, the Medes remained in significant parts of the territory taken from Assyria and later expanded their domain into the central regions of Mesopotamia to the detriment of Babylon (Weisshauser and Novotny, 2020: 152-153 and 187). Babylonian sources reference the presence of the Medes in central regions. The first reference pertains to the annals of Nabonidus, which mention the attack of the Gutians on the temple of the goddess Anunitu in Sippar-Anunitu and its plundering (Weiershäuser and Novotny, 2020: 64). The next reference relates to the construction of fortifications and defensive walls between the two rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, to counter the Medes (Novotny and Weiershäuser, 2024: 129 and 130). The account in Babylonian sources regarding the fall of the Median kingdom to Cyrus also indirectly suggests Babylon’s animosity towards the Medes (ibid: 147 and 152-153). Babylonian inscriptions on the fall and capture of Babylon also illustrate the significant role and presence of the Medes (Weiershäuser and Novotny, 2020: 26-27).3-2. Study of Archaeological Data: Tell Gubba  Tell Gubba is located in Diyala Province, Iraq, 5 kilometers upstream from the confluence of the Diyala and Narin rivers, and 12 kilometers west of the city of Saadiya (Fig. 1). The dimensions of the site are 80 × 85 meters, with a height reaching 8 meters (Fig. 3). Excavations at this site have revealed 7 layers of settlement, with the second layer being the focus of this research (Fuji, 1981: 141).  The second settlement level of Tell Gubba has been formed by leveling the area and creating a platform-like foundation (ibid: 150-151). Excavations of Layer II uncovered a large, solid brick structure with a nearly square plan consisting of rectangular interior rooms and an enclosing wall, constructed with mud bricks measuring 47 × 25 × 10 centimeters and mud mortar (Fig. 4).  The central building, measuring 16 meters in length and 15.5 meters in width, has surrounding walls approximately 2.5 meters thick. The structure features an entrance that provides access to a corridor and three elongated, narrow spaces. The floors of all rooms were covered with a thick layer of gravel, and the walls were coated with clay plaster. The ceiling condition of the rooms is unclear; however, arched ceilings are the most probable option (ibid: 151). Given the thickness of the walls and the internal layout, which primarily served functional purposes, there may be a second floor. The eastern and northern façades of the building, which have better preservation, were constructed with buttresses and recesses, featuring arrow slits about 20 centimeters wide (ibid). The angular buttresses of the building are interconnected and take on a tower-like appearance, distinguishing them from examples at Tepe Nush-I Jan and Ulug Depe, while showing closer affinities to those at Tell al-Dim Raniya and Achaemenid specimens.  Surrounding the central building, at a distance of 5 meters, there is a wall 3 meters thick and measuring 32 × 32 meters overall, which has been constructed similarly to the central structure (ibid: 150-151). A 5-meter-wide corridor existed between the wall and the central building, comparable to the uncovered structure at Ulug Depe.  In front of the entrance to the wall, a brick structure resembling a platform has been identified, which protrudes from the main building. In a subsequent period, a wall was erected in front of it for reinforcement, built with mud bricks measuring 33 × 33 × 10 centimeters. The orientation and varying mud brick sizes of the wall suggest a possible Achaemenid affiliation.3-2-1. Pottery and Discovered Objects  Unfortunately, the discovered cultural materials have not been fully published. This study aimed to extract and present the maximum available information by referring to excavation documents from archaeological centers in Iraq. Based on published sources and examined documents, a significant number of pottery (Figs. 5,7) different from Assyrian and Achaemenid types, twelve iron and bronze objects (Fig. 8), several figurines and clay seals (Fig. 9), two stone stamped seals, several stone tools and beads (Fig. 10), and several bone spatulas (Fig. 11) were obtained from the second level. 4. Conclusion  Despite Babylonian attempts to ignore the Median kingdom, there is evidence of a powerful Median presence in Mesopotamia, as well as tensions and military conflicts with Babylon. The inability of the Babylonians to expel the Medes from the region is indirectly reflected in Babylonian inscriptions, and the construction of strong and extensive defensive installations by the Babylonians serves as further evidence of this claim. In such circumstances, it is natural that the Medes would also have established settlements there. Tell Gubba, with its unique location, could be one of these settlements. The architectural features of the second level of the site link it to the Median architecture of the Iranian plateau. Contrary to the dating proposed by Fujii, evidence suggests that only part of the annexes, including the surrounding wall of the terrace, which was constructed using standardized Achaemenid mud bricks, pertains to the Achaemenid period, while the original settlement likely belongs to the final decades of the Median kingdom (580 to 550 BC). Unfortunately, no significant cultural artifacts have been recovered from the original settlement, and what has been found appears to relate to a secondary occupation that developed after the central building was abandoned and perhaps after a fire. The cultural materials recovered, along with the architectural similarities, confirm the Median nature of the settlement. Additional supportive evidence obtained from Tell al-Dim in Raniya (Hassan al-Takrity, 1960), as well as the tomb of Qizqapan in the Sulaymaniyah region, indicates that the Medes had a long-term presence in the area and had partially replaced Assyrian architectural and cultural traditions with their own. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_103401.html For several centuries (9th to 14th AD), Sgraffito-type pottery was widely distributed across a vast region, including Iran, the Caucasus, Anatolia, Eastern Europe, and Transoxiana. Based on the typological studies of Grube and Allen, this pottery tradition is classified into five main groups—Simple Sgraffito, Splashed Glazed Sgraffito, Champlevé/Garrus, Agh Kand, and Amol—each named after geographic locations in Iran where examples were first identified. Despite this established classification, our knowledge of the actual production contexts—workshops, kilns, tools, and technological processes—remained speculative, relying mainly on unverified accounts from antique dealers. No systematic archaeological investigations of production sites had previously been undertaken. These gaps raise significant research questions: How did Sgraffito pottery technology develop over a span of five centuries? Which styles represent earlier phases, and which embody the latest technical innovations? To address these questions, I initiated fieldwork in 2015 in the southern part of northwest Iran, a region historically rich in ceramic traditions. Surveys identified more than 20 sites containing substantial Sgraffito pottery remains. Among them, the site of Aghche Rish was selected for excavation, marking the first archaeological project in Iran devoted specifically to uncovering Sgraffito pottery production workshops. Excavations revealed a complex dating from the 9th to 14th centuries AD. Finds included multiple pottery kilns, extensive quantities of Garrus and Agh Kand wares , residential structures, workshop buildings, kiln-support tools such as bars and tripods, glass bracelets, 10th-century coins, tombs, and a historical cemetery. The presence of both domestic and industrial features provides valuable insight into the organization of pottery production and the daily lives of the craftspeople. This article first examines the workshop activities at Aghche Rish, offering rare archaeological evidence of Sgraffito production in Iran, and then presents a detailed typological analysis of the pottery assemblage, contributing to a deeper understanding of its technological and chronological development. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_104771.html AbstractThe ancient site of Tol-e Ajori is located 3 km from Persepolis, in a location called Bagh-e Firouzi. As a result of the thirteenth season of archaeological excavations of the Iranian-Italian joint mission (2009-2023), within the framework of the “From Palace to Town” project, a new perspective was opened. This new horizon is the discovery of a monumental gate in the paradise of Parsa. This building is oriented NW-SE with a deviation of 20 degrees from the east-west axis. This structure measures 29.06 meters (NE–SW) × 39.07 meters (NW-SE) and is composed of a massive wall 10.47 meters wide. Access to this room was possible through two corridors. With the discovery of Babylonian and Elamite cuneiform inscriptions and considering the function of the structure, it was determined that this building was a monumental gate. This magnificent gate, on a larger scale, resembles the design of the famous Ishtar gate (ca. 580 BCE), which was founded by one of the two first rulers of Achaemenid dynasty and predates the construction of Persepolis. It is likely that the purpose of constructing this gate was to commemorate the conquest of the city of Babylon in 539 BCE during the reign of Cyrus the Great. The structure is entirely made of brick and mudbrick: the entire wall surfaces were decorated with glazed bricks. The decoration on the lower parts of the walls features geometric patterns and floral motifs. Numerous glazed bricks recovered from the debris of the building indicate that the wall surfaces were entirely adorned with depictions of mythological animals such as the bull and the composite Mušḫuššu creature. This historic structure provided access to a royal garden (paradise), which included a large palace, the ruins of which are now located in the Firouzi 5 area.Keywords: Gate, Paradise, Tol-e Ajori, Achaemenid. 1. IntroductionThe ancient so called archaeological site of Tol-e Ajori is situated 3 km northwest of Persepolis, in a location called Bagh-e Firuzi. Its dimensions are 30 by 40 meters, rising 3 meters higher than the surrounding lands, located within the first-degree buffer zone of Persepolis. This archaeological site was registered on June 7, 2006 under number 15530 in the National Heritage List of Iran (Figs. 1, 2).As a result of a decade archaeological excavations by the joint Iranian-Italian mission in Parsa, Persepolis (2011-2023), within the framework of the “From Palace to Town” project, a new perspective on the earliest Persian city of ancient Iran was opened. This new horizon, marked by the discovery of Babylonian and Elamite cuneiform inscriptions and considering the function of the building, revealed that the structure was a monumental gateWith the conquest of Babylon, the first Achaemenid kings transferred an important part of the mythological symbols of Babylon to Persia. Symbols such as the emblem of the god Marduk, known as the mušḫuššu motif, constituted a major portion of the architectural decorations of this gate. In his famous cylinder seal, Cyrus the Great attributed his victory and the legitimacy of his power in Babylon to this deity. This magnificent gate, on a larger scale, repeated the design of the famous Ishtar Gate (ca. 580 BCE), and was constructed before the construction of the Persepolis terrace, during the reign of one of the first two Persian kings (Askari Chaverdi, Callieri & Matin 2017). It is likely that the construction of this gate was intended to commemorate the conquest of the city of Babylon in 539 BCE, during the reign of Cyrus the Great.The Tol-e Ajori Gate stands as the main preserved monument of the eastern Bagh-e Firuzi area in the Persepolis plain. Built out of brick and mudbrick, it was constructed at the beginning of the Achaemenid period with the same plan and decorations of plain glazed bricks and relief-decorated bricks as the Ishtar Gate of Babylon. 2. MethodologyDespite the heavy destruction of this archaeological site, the systematic excavations applied in identifying the architectural structures and the precise documentation of the finds made it possible to achieve a clear stratigraphic interpretation of the ancient ruins of this building. Drawings of the motifs and figures, along with the scientific study of the construction techniques, enabled the reconstruction of the motifs as well as the rebuilding of the original form of this gate on a true scale. Finally, the three-dimensional reconstructions of this building provided a scientific method of interpretation and a documented analysis of the cultural and artistic values of this magnificent monumental gate in the Firuzi Paradise of the city of Parsa. 3. DiscussionThe specific plan of the Tol-e Ajori building shows the closest parallel to the inner part of the Ishtar Gate in Babylon(Koldewey 1918: pl. 3 ), with a rectangular plan and thick side walls, although overall it is known in larger dimensions (Figs. 4, 5, 6). The plan of the Tol-e Ajori building measures 29.06 × 39.07 meters, while the inner section of the Ishtar Gate in Babylon measures 29.20 × 22 meters (Koldewey 1918: 31). The narrow dimensions of the inner room made it possible to construct a roof with simple wooden beams without a central support, as mentioned in Nebuchadnezzar’s inscription referring to the interior space of the gate (Koldewey 1918: 40). The same roofing solution can also be proposed for the Tol-e Ajori structure, where no traces of column bases were found. The presence of a long passageway with two openings on the short sides, which widen into the central hall, likewise supports the interpretation of the uncovered building at Tol-e Ajori as a monumental gate, similar to the Ishtar Gate.Nevertheless, the main architectural differences in the plan are shown by the benches along the side walls of the inner room—which do not exist in Babylon—by the form of the two façades on the transverse sides, and by the construction technique of the Tol-e Ajori building with a mudbrick core (Figs. 6–12). In contrast, the Ishtar Gate was built entirely of brick. Furthermore, in the Ishtar Gate, the lower section was completely covered with unglazed bricks, the middle section with plain glazed bricks, and the upper section with glazed relief-decorated bricks (Fig. 44). In Tol-e Ajori, however, the brick flooring known from the Ishtar Gate is missing, probably due to looting (Fig. 11). Despite these distinctive differences, the Tol-e Ajori structure was deeply inspired by the Ishtar Gate, as the analysis of the decorations also confirms (Figs. 43–53). Therefore, we may suggest that the two buildings also served a similar function.Moreover, although the use of mudbrick and brick, bitumen mortar, and glazed bricks for decoration in the buildings of this period is also an example of the Elamite tradition—as the system of mason’s marks also indicates—it seems that in Tol-e Ajori the principal source of inspiration was Babylon. Even the dimensions of the bricks correspond (Marzahn 2008: 46).The Tol-e Ajori Gate represents a new type of architecture inspired by Mesopotamia, which had already been recognized by scholars of Achaemenid architecture: the ‘monumental gate.’ The closest known example of this type in Iranian architecture is the R Gate at Pasargadae (Stronach 1978: 44-55), which, like the Tol-e Ajori Gate, has a rectangular plan and differs from the Gate of All Nations at Persepolis, which has a square plan (Schmidt 1953: 65-68). In the cases of Pasargadae and Persepolis, the central room is of the columned-hall type, whereas the plan of the Tol-e Ajori Gate lacks interior columns.The brick fitters’ marks, the motifs, the colors, the method of brick production, and even the arrangement of the decorations at Tol-e Ajori are very similar to the Ishtar Gate of Babylon. The most striking and significant feature is the use of panels with bulls and mušḫuššu in the decorations of the Tol-e Ajori Gate (Figs. 46–53). The results of these studies demonstrate for the first time the profound impact of Babylonian art on Achaemenid architecture. This research shows that not only were the very same motifs of the Ishtar Gate of Babylon used in making the panels of Tol-e Ajori, but also that the bricks of the Babylonian gate were copied in detail for the production of the Tol-e Ajori bricks. The similarity is so strong that if the bricks of both sites were placed side by side, distinguishing them from one another would be very difficult.Historical sources indicate that the earliest Achaemenid kings employed workers and craftsmen from southern Mesopotamia in the construction of buildings at the imperial center. The construction of the Tol-e Ajori Gate and its decorated bricks can be considered one of the remarkable achievements of the presence of these craftsmen in Fars at the beginning of the Achaemenid period. 4. ConclusionFrom a historical perspective, the most prominent reason for constructing such a magnificent monument as the Tol-e Ajori Gate may have been Cyrus’s intention to celebrate his exceptional conquest of Babylon by his own land: the proposed statement in the Cyrus Cylinder would be acknowledged in Mesopotamia, and, if not, it would be reinforced in his homeland. Nevertheless, the chronological elements available to us do not allow a more precise dating of the complex. It is not unlikely that among the fragments of glazed bricks not yet studied there may be one bearing the name of that ‘king’ mentioned in the two inscriptions already found. But even without such a discovery, Tol-e Ajori remains an exceptional confirmation of a historical project of the earliest Achaemenids, in a place where their presence had already been recognized thanks to the Babylonian and Elamite tablets, and where Darius I later built Persepolis in 518 BCE.The discovery of Tol-e Ajori ultimately allows us to see with our own eyes what until now could only be imagined, and to cast a truly ‘colorful’ glance at an entirely new historical environment at the dawn of the Persian Empire. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_106327.html AbstractIn the early third century CE, Iran witnessed profound political and military transformations that led to the rise of one of the most significant dynasties in its history: the Sasanians. According to historical sources, Ardashir engaged in several battles to gain control over Fars, particularly its southern regions. In Sasanian archaeological studies, the powerful families of southern Fars during the transition from the Parthian to the Sasanian period have been largely overlooked. The present research aims to identify the powerful families in southern Fars based on historical evidence, addressing the following question: What archaeological data indicate the existence of local powers in southern Fars during the Parthian period? Furthermore, it examines the relationship of these families with the Parthian government and Ardashir’s methods for confronting them. This study employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, utilizing both library and field resources. Historical sources mention families such as the Nōšāzād and Sabak in Abrasās, the Milādiyān in Laristan, and powers like Haftvād in Kojārān and Sanatruq in Bahrain. Based on historical sources, military strategies, diplomacy, and alliances with Parthian families were among the key approaches used by the Sasanians to consolidate power and legitimize their rule in Iran, particularly in southern Fars. Additionally, archaeological findings confirm the presence of powerful families in southern Fars. The site of Tomb-e Bot, interpreted as a semi-royal seat during the Parthian era, is indicative of existing power structures in the region. The factors contributing to the power of these families included kinship ties with the Parthians, geopolitical position, control over trade routes, and a network of fortresses.Keywords: Parthian Families, Sasanians, Ardashir Babakan, Southern Fars, Castle, Hormuz, Parthian Pottery. 1. IntroductionIn the early third century CE, Iran witnessed profound political and military upheavals that led to the rise of one of the greatest dynasties in its history—the Sasanians. However, this process was neither simple nor unchallenged. Historical sources mention several battles fought by Ardashir I in southern Fars, some of which ended in his defeat. The resistance of southern Fars’ noble families against Ardashir’s advances not only highlights the presence of local power centers but also underscores their role as serious rivals to northern Fars. Although Ardashir ultimately succeeded in crushing these resistances after numerous arduous and protracted battles, thereby incorporating southern Fars—a key strategic region for controlling the Persian Gulf—into his domain, this process also reflects the political and social complexities of the era.This study seeks to identify the powerful noble families of southern Fars based on historical evidence, addressing the following question: Which archaeological data attest to the existence of local powers in southern Fars during the Parthian period? Additionally, it examines these families’ relationship with the Parthian Empire and Ardashir’s strategies for confronting them.Despite the significance of the transition from the Parthians to the Sasanians, independent historical and archaeological studies on southern Fars—particularly concerning its local powers—remain scarce. Existing research has largely been limited to archaeological surveys or treated the subject only peripherally within broader studies of Sasanian history. This scholarly gap underscores the need for a more detailed examination of the role played by southern Fars’ noble families in the region’s political dynamics and their interactions with the emerging Sasanian central authority. Understanding these dynamics not only enhances our comprehension of the Sasanian state formation process but may also elucidate patterns of local resistance against political centralization. 2. The Geopolitical Position and Role as an Intermediary HubThe southern Fars region, which during the Sasanian period was part of Ardashir-Khwarrah (Ibn Balkhī, 2005: 132–141), encompassed a vast area along the coasts and hinterlands of the Persian Gulf. Southern Fars has always held strategic importance due to its unique connective position, serving as a bridge between the shores of the Persian Gulf and inland power centers (Fig. 1).Additionally, the southern Zagros Mountains functioned as a natural barrier, playing a vital role in the region’s security and human geography. With their complex topography and varying elevations, these mountains formed enclosed plains surrounded by highlands, acting both as a natural defensive fortification and providing a suitable environment for the emergence of semi-autonomous and stable communities (Fig. 2).The climatic conditions of southern Fars were another critical factor in resisting external enemies. Ibn Balkhī describes the climate of Irāhestān in southern Fars as follows: “No army can station there except during the three months of spring; in winter, they cannot remain due to rainfall and lack of pasture, and in summer, due to the extreme heat” (2005: 141). This description highlights how the region’s harsh weather posed significant challenges for foreign forces. 3. The Powerful Families in Southern FarsSouthern Fars under the Parthians was governed by semi-independent dynasties, though their territorial control remains unclear. Historical sources like the Kār-nāmag ī Ardašīr, Shahnameh, and al-Tabari’s History mention several local rulers in early 3rd-century CE Southern Fars (Table 1):1. The Nōshzād in Abrasās (Jahrom) (al-Tabari 1983:582; Ferdowsi 1968, VII:146).2. The Sabāk in Abrasās  (Ferdowsi 1968, VII:132; Mashkoor 1950:16) in Jahrom.3. Haftvād  in Kojarān (likely in southern Iran, near Lār) (Tabari 1983:582; Ferdowsi 1968, VII:139–154; Mashkoor 1960:21–32 (Kār-nāmag; Mashkoor 1960:24)4. Abtenbud in southern Fars (al-Tabari 1983:582; Mashkoor 1960:23–25)5. Sanatruq in Bahrain (al-Tabari 1983:584). 6. The Miladian House of Larestan, though absent in Ardashir’s campaigns, is noted by Nöldeke (1978: 24) as being of Parthian origin. Gorgin Milad - mentioned in the Shahnameh (Ferdowsi 1971, IX: 30-32) and later Safavid records - maintained their ruling power until 1601 CE (Fig. 3). 4. Archaeological Evidence of Local Powers in Southern FarsArchaeological and historical research on the northern coasts and hinterlands of the Persian Gulf has been limited. However, the few studies conducted have identified and uncovered significant sites from the Parthian period. Among the most important sites is Tomb-e Bot in Mohr County, interpreted as a quasi-royal seat. During its second cultural phase (80–260 CE), Tappeh Bot provides some of the most significant cultural materials related to local powers in southern Fars. The artifacts discovered at the site reflect a declined courtly style of the Achaemenids by the 2nd century CE. (Askari Chaverdi, 2013: 157–193; Askari Chaverdi, 2017: 127–150). 5. Fortresses and StrongholdsArchaeological activities in southern Iran, particularly in southern Fars, have primarily been limited to surveys and the identification of ancient sites. Surveys in Lamerd and Mohr counties (whose results have been published) indicate that out of 76 identified sites, only 12 show evidence of Parthian occupation (Askari Chaverdi, 2013: 81–83). However, none of these sites fall within the scope of the present study.Between 2014 and 2018, ceramics from three sites in the Sasanian Hormuz region (southern Fars) were examined: Qal’eh Golrokh (Gholami et al., 2022), Qal’eh Kopir (Ashrafi, 2017), and Tomb-e-goveh (Pasban, 2018). Studies of these ceramics confirmed traces of Parthian-period presence. Accordingly, the Hormuz region of Fars, with its eight fortresses situated on highlands and foothills across an area approximately 45 km long and 20 km wide, was selected as the study area.The Hormuz-Fars region, corresponding to the Beyram and Chahvarz districts (Gholami & Mohammadi-Far, 2024: 62-63) in southern Fars, has revealed eight identified fortresses (Image 6). The fortresses of Faryab, Kapir, and Salavar are situated on Mount Bol, while the fortresses of Nehl, Khajagan, Golrokh, Guri, and Lid are located on the mountains of Alamarvdasht.Studies conducted on ceramic data have led to the identification of diagnostic Parthian pottery types, such as coarse black ware with raised bands, painted, glazed, burnished, and Burnished and Polished Pottery, indicating Parthian-period settlement in the Hormuz plain. 6. ConclusionThe political transformations of third-century CE southern Fars, coinciding with the Parthian decline and Sasanian rise, underscore the critical role of local families in the region’s power dynamics. This study, drawing on historical and archaeological evidence, demonstrates that these local dynasts leveraged political and cultural legitimacy derived from their Parthian affiliations, claims of ancient ancestry, strategic geopolitical positions, control over trade routes, and a network of fortified castles—which continued into the Sasanian period—to resist Ardashir Babakan’s centralizing policies. Archaeological data, particularly the site of Tomb-e Bot, indicates the continuity of Achaemenid courtly traditions. The ceramic evidence from forts suggests their construction or enhancement likely occurred in the second and third centuries CE, confirming a local power base in the Hormuz region, further supported by the Parthian archer relief at Qir. Ardashir employed a combination of military force, diplomacy, and political marriages to subdue these powers, actions essential for overcoming local resistance and gaining political legitimacy. Ultimately, southern Fars was a theatre of complex political and military competition during the Parthian-Sasanian transition. The resistance of local families and the Sasanian drive for integration reflect the tension between decentralized Parthian structures and a centralized Sasanian state. Further research in southern Fars is crucial to better understand both the formation of the Sasanian empire and patterns of local resistance to centralization. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_103417.html دره بمپور در جنوب شرق ایران در استان سیستان و بلوچستان قرار دارد و پیشینه مطالعات باستان شناسی در آن به دهه 30 میلادی و حضور اشتین در منطقه باز می گردد. دره بمپور یکی از مناطق مهم در جنوب شرق ایران برای درک فرایندهای فرهنگی پیش از تاریخ به حساب می آید. مطالعات جدید باستان شناسی در این منطقه شامل بررسی فراگیر باستان شناسی آن در سال 1390 است که در آن 122 محوطه از ادوار مختلف فرهنگی شناسایی شد که 48 محوطه آن مربوط به دوران مس سنگی است که مهمترین محوطه آن تپه چاه حسینی می باشد. علاوه بر آن 47 محوطه کوچک و بزرگ دیگر با اندازه های مختلف نیز شناسایی شد که وجه اشتراک بیشتر آنها حضور سفالهای یحیی VA علاوه بر سفالهای محلی، سفال علی آباد و نوع میری کلات II است که تاریخ آنها به 4500 تا 3600 پیش از میلاد باز میگردد که این تاریخ گزاری بر اساس مطالعات جدید باستان شناسی در نقاط همسایه با دشت بمپور همچون کرمان و مکران است. محوطه های مس سنگی شناسایی شده غالبا اندازه های کوچک کمتر از سه هکتار داشتند. برای درک برخی پیچیدگی های تصمیم سازی در این جوامع محوطه ها با استفاده از نرم افزار آماری SPSS به سه گروه تقسیم شدند و سپس با استفاده از سایر روشهای سنجش آماری فاصله آنها از یکدیگر نیز سنجیده شد که نهایتا ارتباط معنا داری میان اندازه محوطه ها و سلسع مراتب آنها را نشان میداد. For a better understanding of the various aspects of complexity and site size hierarchy, the relationship between site size and the distance of each site from the others was analyzed using SPSS. Consequently, the correlation between them was calculated by Pearson R and regression tests. Ultimately, this analysis demonstrates that examining distances and sizes is meaningful. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_104968.html AbstractDespite considerable archaeological evidence and written sources concerning the Sasanian city of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr, modern scholarship has yet to fully explore its layout, spatial organization, and internal structures, as well as its roles in the scientific, administrative, political, religious, and economic spheres during the Sasanian period. Archaeological excavations and soundings led by Yousef Moradi in 2017, along with data from historical aerial photographs and satellite imagery, have offered fresh insights into the urban design and architectural characteristics of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr during the Sasanian era. These findings challenge previous interpretations regarding the city’s design, function, and the dating of its various features. The excavations revealed that Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr was a rectangular city, enclosed by walls constructed with consolidated pisé (rammed earth) and reinforced with semi-circular buttresses. A moat surrounded the city on all sides. Contrary to earlier interpretations, recent excavations, surveys, historical aerial photographs, and satellite imagery showed that the intersecting lines visible in aerial photographs and the dirt roads within the city were not remnants of Sasanian streets. Instead, they were ridges created after the 10th century CE, when the city was transformed into farmland, serving to demarcate agricultural fields and facilitate commuting within them. Additionally, the excavations revealed that many of the scattered mounds within the city did not contain the remains of buildings but were deposits of construction materials from the ruined city, accumulated to expand farmland. This article seeks to offer a clearer understanding of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr during the Sasanian period by integrating these new archaeological discoveries with an analysis of historical texts, epigraphy, sigillography, and numismatics.Keywords: Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr, Sasanian, Sigillography, Numismatics, Urban Planning, Archaeological Excavations. 1. IntroductionNumerous literary, inscriptional, and sigillographic sources underscore the significance of the city of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr during the Sasanian period. These primary sources indicate that the city retained its original name throughout this era. Yet, modern scholarship often refers to it as Gundēshāpūr or Jundīshāpūr—names that only emerged during the Islamic period—when discussing the city’s role in the Sasanian era without clarifying the anachronism. Furthermore, these studies frequently overlook city’s urban fabric, including its layout, spatial organization, structures, and its multifaceted roles in the scientific, administrative, political, religious, and economic systems of the Sasanian era.This paper seeks to address these gaps by combining archaeological evidence from Yousef Moradi’s 2017 excavations with historical aerial photographs, satellite imagery, and data from primary sources, inscriptions, seals, and coinage. 2. Analysis and DecisionThe following sections examine the city’s layout, architectural features, and historical prominence, drawing on textual, epigraphic, sigillographic, numismatic, and archaeological evidence. Each type of source provides complementary insights: historical texts illuminate political, religious, and scientific significance; inscriptions and seals document administrative status; coinage reflects economic activity; and archaeological surveys reveal the city’s physical layout and defensive structures.2-1. Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr: Historical RecordsAlthough often blending facts with fiction, historical texts provide abundant information about the political, religious, cultural, scientific, and economic significance of the city of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr during the Sasanian period. Many sources attribute the foundation of the city to Shāpūr I, following his victory over the Roman Emperor Valerian (Ṭabarī, 1983: II, 590; Dīnawarī, 1992: 73; Ibn al-’Ibri, 1992: 76; al-Qifṭī, 1992: 183; al-Yaʿqūbī, 1993: I, 201). However, some scholars, building upon Syriac sources (Scher, 1907: 221; Sachau, 1916: 4–5), CORONA satellite imagery of the site (Whitcomb, 2003–2004: 92–93), and linguistic evidence (Potts, 1989: 327–334), argue that the city existed before Shāpūr’s reign and was later rebuilt by him on a grid plan. Pinpointing the precise date of the city’s construction requires further archaeological excavations. Historical records also suggest that Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr served as the capital for several Sasanian kings (Ibn al-Balkhi, 2006: 63–69; Mustawfi, 2002: 167; al-Masʿūdī, 1988: I, 279). Significant political and religious events took place there, including the imprisonment of Roman Emperor Valerian (Scher, 1907: 220; Chaumont, 1988: 63; Schwaigert, 1989: 24), the rebellion of Anōshazād against his father, Khosrow I Anushirwān (Dīnawarī, 1992: 74), and the execution of the prophet Mani (al-Maqdisī, 1927: III, 158; Ṭabarī, 1983: II, 596; Thaʻālibī, 1989: I, 319; Dīnawarī, 1992: 74). Known as “Beth Lapat” in Syriac sources, the city was a major center for Christianity in the Sasanian Empire, playing a pivotal role in the history of the Church of the East. It served as the seat of the Metropolitan Archbishop of Khuzestan for much of its history (Scher, 1907: 11; Chabot, 1902: 283, 308–309, 529; Fiey, 1979: 237, 241; Morony, 1989; Vööbus 1988: 82). Moreover, Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr emerged as a prominent scientific hub during the Sasanian period, contributing significantly to the development of knowledge, especially in medicine and philosophy, which were later transmitted to the early Islamic era (Ibn al-’Ibri, 1992: 76; al-Qifṭī, 1992: 183–185; Dols, 1987: 368; Söylemez, 2005: 1). Armenian sources also mention the cultivation of sugarcane in the region in the early 7th century CE (Hewsen, 1968: 35, n. 25; 1971: 186, 1992: 74), although Lippmann (1890: 93–94) suggests that sugarcane was grown much earlier and was used for medical purposes. 2-2. Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr: Epigraphic and Sigillographic EvidenceThe trilingual inscription of Shāpūr I (r. 241–272) on the Kaʿba-ye Zardosht in Naqsh-e Rostam lists several Sasanian cities and satrapies (šahrabs) including ‘Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr’ (Middle Persian: why-ʾndywk-šhypwhry), meaning ‘the better Antiochia of Shāpūr’ (Huyse 1999, i, 58–59, §46; ii, 156–157). While ‘Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr’ enjoyed the status of šahrab in the 3rd century, sigillographic evidence indicates that at least in the 6th century it became a šahrestān ‘provincial city’ administered by a wāspuhragān-framādār (Fig. 2). This upgrade likely resulted from the administrative reform initiated by Kawād I during his second reign (r. 499–531) and completed by his successor Khosrow I (r. 531–579).2-3. Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr: Numismatic EvidenceThe mint signature “WH” on certain coins from the time of Bahrām IV onward is associated with the city of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr (Schindel, 2004: 169–170; 2005: 290–293). The city was one of the most active Sasanian mints, producing substantial quantities of silver coins from Bahrām IV to Kawād I and significant numbers of gold coins during Pērōz I’s reign. This reflects the city’s economic vitality and its central role in regional commerce.2-3. Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr: Archaeological EvidenceThe city of Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr has been identified with extensive ruins south of Islamabad, approximately 5 km southeast of Dezful, on the road to Shushtar. The site has a rectangular layout measuring 2.89 km in length and 1.35 km in width, surrounded by low gravel ridges (Figs. 3–5). Adams and Hansen (1968b: 56) interpreted these ridges as simple barriers symbolically marking the limits of the city, rather than as features with defensive military purpose. Keall (2002: 104–105) proposed that the ridges might have formed canal banks, suggesting that Shāpūr built the enclosure not as a city but as a sugar cane plantation. Archaeological excavations in 2017, under the direction of Yousef Moradi, challenged these interpretations. The excavations revealed that the ridges represent fortified outer walls and banks of a moat serving a defensive purpose. These walls, 12 m wide and around 3 m high (measured from the current surface of the moat), were built with consolidated pisé (rammed earth) and reinforced with semi-circular buttresses. The buttresses on the eastern wall are spaced 25.80 m apart, while those on the northern wall are 33.90 m apart. The eastern buttresses have diameters ranging from 7 and 7.40 m, while those on the northern side are slightly smaller, with a diameter of 5.60 m (Figs. 6–11).Inside the enclosure are intersecting dirt roads, scattered mounds, and low gravel ridges. Some scholars suggest that these roads and the intersecting lines reflect the influence of Roman captives brought from Antioch-on-the-Orontes and resettled in Khuzestan by Shāpūr I in the mid-third century (Abbott, 1968: 71; Adams and Hansen, 1968b: 300; Fiey, 1979: 228–229; Dols, 1987: 368; Chaumont, 1988: 73, n. 86). Recent excavations, surveys, and analysis of historical aerial photographs and satellite imagery dispute this view. Excavations on these roads revealed materials from the 9th and 10th centuries (Figs. 12–13), indicating that the grid pattern was not part of the Sasanian city. Instead, it appears the grid was established after the city’s abandonment in the Islamic period, likely to demarcate agricultural fields and simultaneously facilitate commuting within them, rather than serving as streets in a living city. Adams and Hansen suggested that the large mounds were intentionally formed by deposited fill to support modest dwellings during the site’s final phase of occupation in the tenth century (1968a: 55–56). However, recent excavations show the lack of architectural remains indicating they are not elevated platforms for Islamic buildings (Fig. 14). Rather, they are featureless heaps piles created through organized efforts to recycle building materials, clearing the area for conversion into agricultural land. 3. ConclusionAnalysis of literary, epigraphic, sigillographic, numismatic, and archaeological evidence demonstrates Weh-Andiōk-Shābuhr functioned not only as a political and religious hub but also as a dynamic center of economic and scientific activity. Historical sources emphasize its prominence as a royal capital, a site of major political events, and a seat of Christian authority, while numismatic evidence attests to its economic vitality. Recent archaeological investigations have corrected previous misconceptions about the city’s layout, revealing fortified walls, defensive structures, and well-organized internal spaces while dispelling earlier assumptions about Roman-influenced grid patterns. The grid pattern was not part of the Sasanian urban plan but it was established after the city’s abandonment during the Islamic period to delineate agricultural fields and facilitate commuting within them.  https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_104696.html The study of burial traditions is one of the most important ways to understand the religious, cultural and social structures of the Sasanian era. Despite the religious integrity and the government's compulsion regarding the spread of Zoroastrian religion's tradition of placing the dead in the open air to prevent the pollution of natural elements; Due to the vastness of the territory, environmental diversity and the presence of other religions, various traditions have emerged and expanded in the burial of the Sassanid period. The northern shores of the Persian Gulf are no exception to this rule and have great diversity in burial traditions. Stone pit burials, burial vats, stone coffins, graves covered with stone slabs and silent towers are among the most important burial traditions of the Persian Gulf region. In the archeological studies of the historical port of Najirom, new types of burial traditions of this period were identified, which have not been reported elsewhere. In this ancient site, in addition to stone pit burials, Graveyard or Studan, and the Silent Tower, burial structures have been built using lime mortar and carcass stones in three different shapes. In the first type, it is a small platform for placing the bones of the dead as a secondary burial. The second type is a small crypt with an arched cover in which the bones of the dead were placed, and the third type is the humble crypts in which the bones were placed, and on its arched roof,were placed, and on its arched roof, https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_90073.html AbstractThe period between the third and sixth centuries CE (Sassanian period) is of great importance in terms of archaeology and the study of cultural developments and transformations in the Iranian plateau. During this period, the manufacture and use of metal objects, especially precious metals, reached its peak in terms of the art and elegance of metalworking. These great developments in the metalworking industry, in addition to the effects on metal objects used in everyday life, also had an impact on metal grave goods. For this reason, we witness the existence of beautiful and exquisite objects in terms of art in the cemeteries of the Sassanid period. The main goal of this research is to examine the form and decorations of metal vessels discovered in the cemeteries of the Sassanid period in northern Iran in order to obtain comprehensive information about the manufacturing technology, use, and designs used on these vessels. The data of this research have been collected and studied based on archaeological excavations. The results of the research show that the most common types of metal vessels discovered in this region include; bowls, cups, goblets, jars, and plates. In addition to their daily use, these vessels indicate a kind of social and political status of their owners and in some cases serve as reserves and capital in commercial relations. Also, most of the metal vessels discovered from the Sassanid cemeteries of this region were made of silver and bronze. These vessels were mainly made by casting and hammering. Most of the discovered vessels are without patterns, but some of the vessels have animal, bird, human, and geometric designs.Keywords: Grave Goods, Metal Containers, Northern Iran, Survey. 1. IntroductionIran is an ancient land whose civilization extends back several millennia, and the material remains of this long history are preserved in its artistic and archaeological record. Among the most significant elements in the development of human societies is metal, which played a transformative role in technological innovation and social organization. Indeed, archaeologists have long employed the use of metals as a foundational criterion for periodizing and classifying past civilizations, underscoring the centrality of metallurgy in human history, including that of Iran. The period between the third and sixth centuries CE, corresponding to the Sasanian period, is of particular importance for archaeological research and for understanding cultural transformations across the Iranian plateau. During this era, the production and use of metal objects, especially those crafted from precious metal, reached an exceptional level of technical sophistication and artistic refinement. Sasanian metalwork not only achieved remarkable aesthetic and technological standards but also circulated beyond the political boundaries of the empire, attesting to its wide cultural influence. These significant developments in metallurgy affected both utilitarian and ceremonial objects. As a result, Sasanian cemeteries have yielded numerous finely crafted artifacts distinguished by their artistic quality. Many of these objects were produced from a variety of metals, including gold, silver, bronze, and iron. Metal vessels, in particular, constitute a prominent category among these finds. Such items have been recovered—often through archaeological excavations conducted in regions formerly under Sasanian control—including areas in northern Iran, where important discoveries have been made. 2. Analysis and decisionThe purpose of this study is to investigate the metal vessels discovered in tombs of the Sasanian period in the southern region of northern Iran, with particular attention to their form and decoration. Accordingly, all identified metal vessels are examined and analyzed on the basis of their morphology, decorative motifs, function, material composition, and manufacturing techniques in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of these objects. In terms of its aims, this article constitutes basic research, and with regard to its nature and methodology, it adopts a historical-cultural approach. The data for this study were collected through two primary methods: museum visits and documentary (library-based) research. The analysis is qualitative in nature. Owing to its strategic geographical position, favorable climate, substantial population, and role in defending against external threats, the southern region of northern Iran (Map 1) consistently held significance for the Sasanian government. During the Sasanian period, this region alternated between functioning as a province under central authority and operating as a semi-independent polity; such shifts reflect broader historical developments within the area. Archaeological excavations conducted at Sasanian-period sites and cemeteries in northern Iran (Table 1) have yielded a substantial number of metal vessels (Table 2). Sasanian artisans produced vessels for various social strata, and decorative schemes originally employed on gold and silver wares were often imitated in bronze, iron, copper, glass, and glazed pottery, providing an additional basis for typological classification. The research indicates that five principal categories of vessels have been recovered from Sasanian tombs in this region: (1) bowls, which appear in diverse forms and are generally round containers with relatively high walls used for storing, carrying, and consuming food and liquids; an example was recovered from the Sasanian tomb at Qaleh Kangloo in Savadkuh County, Mazandaran Province (Fig. 1); (2) cups, typically made of bronze or silver and used for drinking liquids such as water or milk, with examples discovered in the Black Valley of Gilan Province (Fig. 2); (3) beakers, used for drinking and storing liquids, with specimens identified at Rahmatabad Rudbar, Amarloo, and Siah in Gilan Province (Figs. 3 and 4); (4) ewers (tangs), commonly manufactured in bronze or silver and employed for storing and pouring liquids, with examples from Deylaman and Rahmatabad Rudbar in Gilan Province (Fig. 5); and (5) plates, among the most common Sasanian vessel types, generally circular and shallow with a flat base, used for dining as well as ceremonial or decorative purposes, most often produced in silver and bronze, sometimes plain and sometimes ornamented, with examples recovered from Rashi, Pir Kooh Amarloo, and Siah Darreh in Gilan Province (Figs. 6–8). 3. ConclusionBased on the sample of metal vessels examined in this study, it can be concluded that the southern region of northern Iran constituted one of the principal centers of metal vessel production during the Sasanian period. The most common types of metal vessels recovered from Sasanian cemeteries in this region include bowls, cups, goblets, ewers, and plates. Beyond their everyday functions, such as storing, serving, eating, and drinking, these objects also signified the social and political status of their owners and, in certain cases, functioned as stores of wealth, capital assets, or even as a medium of exchange in commercial transactions. The majority of the vessels discovered in Sasanian cemeteries in this area were crafted from silver and bronze, although examples featuring gilded decoration have also been identified. Most of these objects were produced using casting techniques, while hammering was employed in a more limited number of cases. A significant proportion of the recovered vessels are plain and undecorated; however, some examples display carved ornamentation or applied decorative motifs. These motifs include representations of animals—such as rams, horses, lions, mountain goats, and fish—birds, including partridges and ducks, as well as human figures and geometric designs. Overall, the evidence suggests that these motifs were not merely decorative but conveyed cultural and symbolic meanings, with artistic expression serving as a medium through which broader ideological and spiritual concepts were communicated. In some instances, the imagery reflects the ideals and belief systems of the communities that produced and used these vessels. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_106328.html AbstractDespite the destruction of sites over the past few decades, development activities, including dam construction, have created opportunities for exploring ancient sites. Among the dams where a large number of sites were explored within the catchment area is the Chamshir Dam in Gachsaran County, located in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad Province. Within the dam’s catchment area, according to surveys and excavations conducted in the years 2020 and 2022, many sites related to the pre- and post-Islamic eras have been identified. One of these valuable sites, which was excavated during the salvage excavation of 2022, along with seventeen other sites, is site number 33. Although there was not enough time to present the research plan and conduct a targeted exploration of the site, it was nevertheless determined during the survey and excavation, and based on the architectural and cultural remains, that this site was used as a temporary settlement by the nomads of the region during the early Islamic centuries until the Pahlavi period. At the end of the archaeological activity in this area, a rural context including houses, a mosque, a cemetery, and a single building of unknown use was discovered, excavated, and documented. All the architectural structures of this rural context were made of local materials, rubble, and rubble stone. This activity yielded a large number of pottery, several pieces of glass, and a very worn and illegible coin. It seems that this village was used seasonally. The purpose of exploring this site, in addition to rescue activities, is to identify and document the architectural spaces of this site and analyze the data obtained. The present article is based on a descriptive-analytical method and its data was collected through fieldwork and the study of library resources.Keywords: Rescue Excavation, Chamshir Dam, Site No. 33, Architecture, Cemetery, Pottery. 1. IntroductionSite No. 33 (at longitude 490391, latitude 3333475, and altitude 544 meters above sea level) is located in the southeast of the Zagros Mountains in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, Gachsaran County, in the central part and Bibi Hakimeh Rural District of this county. The vegetation surrounding the area is grassland, reeds, and kunar and gaz trees, located along the seasonal Shah Taslim River and in the middle of a valley called Red Valley. Excavation of this site was carried out in 2022 as part of the Cham Shir Dam rescue excavation project, and the aim of the excavation of this site was to identify the stone architectural texture that was visible in large quantities within the area. The excavations indicate that the architectural remains were in use from the early Islamic centuries to the Pahlavi period, and given the large volume of architectural remains at the site, it can be considered a small village with a religious building (mosque) and a cemetery during the Islamic era. It is worth noting that the archaeological survey of the Chamshir Dam catchment area in 2016 by Mohammad Taqi Ataei led to the identification of 143 artifacts. The excavation activity in site number 33 of Chamshir Dam was carried out with the aim of identifying the architectural remains of the site and its chronology. The authors of the article intend to study and analyze the architectural features of this site, considering the remaining architectural spaces of the building. In line with the research objectives, questions and hypotheses have been raised; the research questions are: 1- According to the available evidence, during what period of time was this area inhabited? 2- What prominent features are seen in identifying the architectural spaces of this area? The research hypotheses are: 1- The existing evidence, especially the pottery and dated tombstones of the cemetery, indicates that this area was inhabited from the early Islamic centuries to the Pahlavi period. 2- Among the features of the architectural complexes of this area is the use of eco-friendly materials in the construction of temporary residential spaces in the area, with stone being the main material used. One of the notable points on the area surface was a different architectural structure made of plaster mortar in the center of the area, which is different from other buildings. 2. DiscussionSite No. 33 is formed in a trapezoidal space between the heights that surround it on all four sides. The slope of the area is from west to east, and the area becomes wider as it extends from northwest to southeast. The area of this area is about 22,230 square meters and its height at the highest point is 1.5 meters compared to the surrounding environment. Site No. 33 was completed in several parts and includes public and residential architectural spaces and a cemetery, indicating the establishment of this area for many centuries, so that the architectural structures have been destroyed over several periods and their materials have been used in new buildings. Most of the architectural spaces are located in the south and southeast of the area, so that a large volume of rubble has accumulated in this area, which has caused the plan of these spaces to be not completely clear. During the salvage excavation of this site in December 2022, three trenches were created; trenches 1 and 2 were created in the area where the architectural spaces were located, and trench number 3 was created in the cemetery area.The architectural spaces on the site are built in three styles. First, the buildings, apparently only the foundations of which remain, are made of relatively large, cube-shaped stones. These buildings are located in the eastern part of the site. Second, the buildings are made of rubble stone and are all scattered in the southern and western half of the area up to the southern wall. These architectural spaces are relatively dense, but each unit is located at a distance from the neighboring unit and all consist of several rooms and a courtyard. The large volume of rubble in these architectural remains indicates a likely residential complex. At a relatively greater distance from this complex of architectural spaces is a single, independent building which is located at a higher level than the other buildings. The characteristic of this building is the presence of mortar and plaster, unlike other architectural spaces that are built with drywall or mud mortar. Third, it is a large and relatively intact structure located in the south of the compound and in a rectangular shape, oriented northeast to southwest, with dimensions of 32×5 meters and a remaining height of 2.5 meters. Regarding the stone materials used to build the architectural spaces of the area, it should be said that 25 meters west of the area, there are square and rectangular boulders of various sizes and shapes, naturally cut from the mountain in sheets, which were used to build this building and older buildings, as well as the cemetery of this area. In a way, this shows the use of locally sourced materials in the architecture of the spaces of this area. 3. ConclusionWhat was found during the archaeological excavation of Site No. 33 includes the spatial architecture of a mosque (Trench 1), an architectural building of unknown use (Trench 2), and the excavation of a tomb (Trench 3). The identified mosque is located almost in the center of the site, and unlike the buildings in the site, in addition to stone, a large amount of plaster was used in its construction. The mosque has three main spaces, including the entrance, the first roofed space, and the prayer room. There are two courtyards around the mosque, the use of which remains unclear. Also, another small space has been discovered, for which no entrance was found, and its use is therefore also unclear. One of the notable points in identifying the architectural spaces of the mosque was the blocking of the main entrance to the building, which indicates that this complex was consciously and purposefully abandoned by the nomads as they moved away and were thinking of returning. Trench 2 is an architectural space of uncertain use. Given its isolation from the village context and its unusual rectangular layout with small rooms and no entrance, it may have been a public building. However, its exact use remains unclear. The architectural spaces explored and identified on the site surface have a regular geometric order and are built in a rectangular shape and in a northeast-southwest direction. A relatively wide variety can be seen in the architectural spaces explored and found on the surface. These architectural spaces were mostly used as seasonal residences at certain times of the year. The low volume and thickness of cultural deposits in the layers generally indicate the weak settlement of the site during the Islamic period. The architectural structures show that the builders of these architectural spaces used local materials and that local architecture was created in this area. The excavated grave (Trench 3) is also dated to the Islamic period, based on the stone arrangement and southwest direction, and no data was identified from inside this grave. The largest volume of cultural data from the site is related to pottery, which spans the early to middle Islamic centuries, and the most important pottery is unglazed painted pottery (quasi-prehistoric), which is associated with nomadic societies, which are seen in most nomadic societies in different regions of Iran and even Southwest Asia. Another important item found in the mosque is a copper coin, and although it has been eroded, considering other examples found in the Chamshir sites, it may belong to Abesh Khatun, one of the local rulers of the Ilkhanid period in the Fars region. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_98360.html AbstractFortresses are a type of architectural structure that, due to their enclosed nature, historically ensured the security of the human communities residing within them. While security was the primary factor for the establishment of fortresses, the evolving dynamics of human societies gradually influenced their character, transforming them into tangible expressions or manifestations of the prevailing sociopolitical conditions of their time. With the emergence of centralized authorities and governments, fortresses became the residences of political and military elites and, depending on their specific functions, were responsible for the administration and oversight of parts of the surrounding community. In 2020, an archaeological survey was conducted in the two counties of Jovein and Joghatay, located in the northwestern part of Razavi Khorasan Province. This fieldwork led to the identification of sixteen fortresses and hillforts that had not been previously documented or studied. This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach to address questions concerning the typology of fortresses, the role of landscape in determining their function, and, ultimately, their social status. In addition to field investigations and comprehensive documentation of architectural evidence and surface finds, interdisciplinary methods such as remote sensing and environmental monitoring using drones were employed. Archival research was also carried out, utilizing historical and architectural sources relevant to the subject. The results of this study include the identification and characterization of four distinct types of plain fortresses and two types of mountain fortresses in the region. Each type exhibits unique morphological features, functions, and social roles within its historical context. Chronologically, these fortresses belong to the Islamic period, spanning from the Ilkhanid to the Qajar eras.Keywords:  Mountain and Plain Fortresses, Typology, Function, Jovein and Joghatay, Islamic Period. 1. IntroductionFortifications are enclosed structures with towers and ramparts, primarily constructed for security purposes, and they exhibit considerable functional and structural diversity. Their study illuminates the trajectory of defensive architecture and its interrelation with environmental, political, and social conditions. The typology of fortifications is based on geographical location, scale, spatial organization, and architectural features, reflecting their primary functions. The presence of fortifications in Iran can be traced back to prehistoric times, with examples identified at Godin and the fortified building at Shahr-i Sokhta (Schmidt, 1937; Young, 1969). With the formation of states and the development of interregional exchange networks, the need to defend cities and settlements increased, and the construction of towers and ramparts emerged as a key strategy for ensuring security. This architectural tradition was particularly significant in Khorasan, which served both as a major east–west trade corridor and as the first defensive frontier against incursions from northern and eastern groups. The region faced persistent threats from the Achaemenid period through the later centuries, including invasions by the Saka, Hephthalites, Turks, Mongols, and Turkmens (Pīrbariān, 2002: 59; Altheim, 2009: 69–70; Shipman, 2004: 45–46; Schindler, 1977: 184).The main objective of this study is to identify, classify, and analyze the fundamental factors influencing the construction of fortifications and fortified mounds (tepe-qal‘ehs) in the Jovein and Joghatay plains, as well as to investigate their social functions and roles. The key research questions addressed are: How can fortifications be categorized according to their natural setting? And what were their social roles and functions within the region?The study area encompasses the northwestern part of Razavi Khorasan Province, specifically the Jovein and Joghatay counties. These two counties form a unified geographical zone, measuring approximately 120 km in length and 30 km in width, with an average elevation of 1,075 m. Archaeological surveys indicate that human settlement in this region dates back to the Paleolithic period and continued throughout the historical and Islamic periods (Mirzaye & Sadraei, 2024; Mirzaye, 2020). This research employs an archaeological approach and is designed as a descriptive–analytical study, integrating field surveys, documentation, and archival analysis. Fieldwork involved the recording of archaeological remains, precise measurements, mapping, 3D scanning, and the use of advanced technologies such as satellite imagery, drones, and GIS software for reconstructing site layouts. These datasets facilitated a detailed analysis of the location, size, spatial organization, and architectural features of the fortifications. The archival research component included the study of archaeological reports, historical and social sources, architectural studies, and cultural landscape research. This phase provided insights into the historical background of fortifications, their social and military interactions, and their role in securing the region. Ultimately, the integration of field and archival data enabled a comprehensive analysis of the typology, functions, and social significance of fortifications in the study area. 2. Analysis and discussionIn the Jovein and Joghatay plains, sixteen fortifications and fortified mounds were identified and examined. The selection of this study area was based on its historical significance, geopolitical importance, and accessibility for fieldwork. According to their geographical setting, the fortifications can be classified into two main groups: plain fortifications and mountain fortifications. The plain fortifications comprise ten sites, including Tapeh Kheshti, Aq-Qal‘eh, Azadvar, and Khodashah. Based on their spatial and architectural features, these can be further subdivided into three categories: a) Non-enclosed village fortifications: Examples include Zirabad, Khodashah, Narenj Tapeh, and Azadvar. Each site consisted of a central fortification, a residential quarter, a cemetery, and industrial areas, reflecting a complex social and hierarchical structure. b) Enclosed fortifications: The most prominent example is Aq-Qal‘eh, covering an area of 52 hectares. This site includes a fortification, a mosque, and settlement layers dating from the Ilkhanid to the Qajar periods. c) Isolated fortifications: These include Tapeh Moghul, Bisjird, Kohneh-Qal‘eh Nobāgh, and Tapeh Ebrahimabad. Tapeh Moghul, with its octagonal plan, outer rampart, and central citadel, is particularly noteworthy and likely served a primarily military function.The mountain fortifications consist of sites such as Oqlān Qiz Qal‘eh, Qal‘eh Qārzi, Kohneh-Qal‘eh Abuchanari, Bahan, Shākh Sabr, and Shaykh. Oqlān Qiz Qal‘eh, with its elevated position and watchtowers, is a clear example of a military stronghold. The other sites in this group appear to have functioned mainly as emergency refuges during periods of social crisis.The peak of activity and utilization of these fortifications occurred during the Middle Islamic centuries, although some evidence indicates earlier phases of occupation. A comprehensive understanding of these fortifications and their associated settlements requires the simultaneous analysis of historical, geographical, and archaeological factors. Medieval geographical sources describe the Jovein plain primarily as a rural area, with Azadvar being the only urban center, administratively dependent on Nishapur (Ḥamavī, 2004: 112; Maqdisī, 2006: 465).Among the plain fortifications, the sites of Azadvar, Khodashah, and Aq-Qal‘eh occupy a distinctive position due to their structural characteristics, spatial layout, and scale. These settlements typically consisted of two principal components: the citadel (arg or qal‘eh) and the residential quarter (shahrestān). In addition to towers and ramparts, some complexes also featured moats and concealed passageways. Such features reflect their role as centers of authority and administration. It appears that these centralized village-fortifications served as residences and operational bases for local rulers, military commanders, and administrative officials such as scribes, who were responsible for the political and social management of the region (Kirka et al., 2020: 8–9).The isolated fortifications provide limited evidence of socio-economic activities, whereas the mountain fortifications primarily served defensive and refuge functions. In response to insecurity, local communities adopted two strategies: 1. settling in proximity to ruling centers; 2. migrating to southern mountainous areas, which, despite being less favorable for permanent habitation, offered security. Within this framework, Oqlān Qiz Qal‘eh played a key role in protecting local routes and nearby villages, while Tapeh Moghul likely functioned as a command center during periods of potential Mongol incursions 3. ConclusionThe study of fortifications in the Jovein and Joghatay plains demonstrates that from the Ilkhanid to the Qajar periods, these settlements were adaptive responses to security and environmental challenges. The plain fortifications functioned as centers of habitation and economic administration, typically characterized by a citadel located in the southern section and residential quarters to the north, thereby exerting control over surrounding villages. In contrast, isolated fortifications and certain complexes provide little evidence of socio-economic activity, and their internal organization remains poorly understood. Mountain fortifications were primarily constructed for defensive and refuge purposes; examples such as Oqlān Qiz Qal‘eh played a strategic role in securing caravan routes and overseeing nearby settlements. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_104978.html Recent archaeological research at Tepe Hissar, located in the northeast of the Central Iranian Plateau, has provided concrete evidence for the presence of the Proto-Elamite phenomenon at this site. The main focus of this study is a comparative analysis of the gray ware pottery and the cylinder seals recovered from the layers of the Hissar II period (second half of the fourth millennium BCE), with well-known samples from other Proto-Elamite sites. The findings indicate that the gray wares of Hissar, in terms of clay composition, firing technique, form, and decorations, display clear similarities with the standard Proto-Elamite examples from Tepe Sofalin, Pishva. The analysis of the Hissar cylinder seals—regarding material, manufacturing techniques, and iconography—reflects the cultural connections of Hissar with southwestern Iran and its role in the exchange and artistic networks of the Proto-Elamite era. This body of evidence positions Tepe Hissar not merely as a point of contact, but as an active and innovative link in the cultural interactions of the late fourth millennium BCE, highlighting the need to reconsider prevailing models for the transmission of Proto-Elamite culture to northeastern regions. Based on ceramic and seal data, Tepe Hissar should be viewed not as a passive intermediary, but as an active agent in the communication networks and cultural developments of the Proto-Elamite period in northeastern Iran—a site that, through the selection and reinterpretation of imported and local elements, contributed to the formation of distinctive cultural traditions. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_103412.html AbstractDue to its geographical location, climatic characteristics, and historical significance, Mazandaran Province has consistently played a pivotal role in Iran’s political, economic, and cultural developments. Natural barriers such as the Alborz Mountain range and the emergence of semi-independent local rulers were among the factors that limited communication routes between the Iranian plateau and Mazandaran prior to the Safavid era. A fundamental transformation in the development of mountainous and lowland roads in Mazandaran occurred during the Safavid period, particularly under Shah Abbas I (r. 995–1038 AH), with the construction of the “Shah Abbasi Roads.” In the Qajar era, especially during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah (r. 1264–1313 AH), the region saw further road expansion under the designation of “Naser al-Din Shahi Roads,” owing to its crucial role in supplying food to the capital and facilitating trade with Russia. Despite the importance of Mazandaran’s historical roads and their associated structures, limited archaeological research has been conducted in this field, leaving many questions unanswered regarding the influence of geography and climate on road formation, their diverse functions, and the alignment of modern roads with historical routes. The present study is fundamental in purpose and adopts a historical, descriptive-analytical approach in methodology. Data were collected through library research and archaeological fieldwork. By combining these methods, the study addresses certain ambiguities and analyzes the role of historical roads in the regional and national development of Mazandaran Province. To achieve this objective, twenty historical paved roads in Mazandaran were examined. Some of these roads, located in the lowlands, intermediate slopes, and highlands of the region, are identified and introduced for the first time in this research. The findings indicate that the roads under study—primarily dating back to the Safavid and Qajar periods—functioned as interregional or intraregional transportation routes during their time.Keywords: Mazandaran, Historical Paved Roads, Shah Abbasi Roads, Naser Al-Din Shahi Roads, Archaeology of Roads. 1. IntroductionMazandaran, a significant northern Iranian region, gained importance over the last five centuries due to its connections with the Safavid and Qajar capitals and its maritime border with Russia. Historically, the Alborz mountains acted as a barrier, often allowing semi-independent rule. From the Safavid era, especially under Shah Abbas I, the region’s economic and strategic value grew, leading to the construction of “Shah Abbasi Roads” like the Isfahan-Farahabad route. These roads revolutionized trade, including exports via the Caspian Sea, and served royal recreational purposes, allowing the Shah to access the lush landscapes for leisure activities and to promote the region’s allure as a travel destination.During the Qajar period, Mazandaran was vital for supplying Tehran and facilitating trade with Russia. Road development was key for economic growth, even for supplying charcoal to the capital. Under Naser al-Din Shah, Iranian and foreign engineers built modern gravel roads, enhancing transportation networks and contributing to the integration of the region into a burgeoning national economy. The roads not only facilitated commerce but also cultural exchanges between various regions of Iran and neighboring countries.The strategic importance of these routes was not uniformly consistent; it fluctuated according to the priorities of successive rulers and broader geopolitical shifts. During intervals of weak central authority, local khans often assumed responsibility for road maintenance, leveraging control over key passages to extract tolls and assert autonomy. Conversely, periods of strong state intervention—particularly under Shah Abbas I and later Naser al-Din Shah—saw the reassertion of imperial oversight, often accompanied by the introduction of new engineering methods and administrative reforms. This alternating rhythm of centralisation and local initiative left distinct material signatures on the roads themselves, visible in variations of pavement technique, bridge construction, and the siting of caravanserais. The Haraz and Chalus routes, for instance, preserve multiple phases of repair and realignment, each layer reflecting the political and technological circumstances of its time.Moreover, these pathways often influenced local customs, allowing for the dissemination of not only goods but also ideas and cultural practices. Despite their importance, these historical roads have seen little archaeological study. This research aims to address this gap by investigating the existing routes and their historical significance, examining the materials, construction techniques, and how these roads adapted over time to changing political and social circumstances. Understanding these aspects can provide invaluable insights into the resilience and evolution of Mazandaran’s infrastructure and its role in connecting different facets of Iranian heritage. 2. Research Objectives and QuestionsThis study combines historical and archaeological data to analyze Mazandaran’s historical roads. It seeks to answer: Which identifiable paved roads from the Safavid and Qajar periods exist? What political and economic objectives did these governments pursue with road construction? To what extent do modern roads align with these historical routes? 3. Materials and MethodsThis qualitative research used field studies (over 15 years, examining 20 historical roads), direct observation, and analysis of historical sources and maps. Data on road structure and associated buildings was collected, and a mortar sample was chemically analyzed. 4. DiscussionThe development of roads in Mazandaran was a strategic priority during both the Safavid and Qajar eras, driven by economic and geopolitical necessities. In the Safavid period, after the Ottomans controlled western borders, the government transformed Mazandaran into a vital commercial hub for exporting goods to Eastern Europe via the Caspian Sea and Caucasus. Shah Abbas I specifically built a paved road from Isfahan to the Mazandaran coast to facilitate the trade of valuable commodities like silk, for which the region was a primary production center. Advanced construction techniques, including using charcoal layers to combat humidity, were employed to ensure the road’s durability.During the Qajar era, particularly under Naser al-Din Shah, road construction in Mazandaran reached its peak. The Shah’s personal interest in the region for recreation was complemented by stronger economic and strategic motives. Mazandaran was a crucial supplier of food and resources to Tehran, especially during famines. Geopolitically, with Russia’s expansion in the Caucasus, modernizing the routes connecting Tehran to the Caspian Sea became essential for trade and security. Three main roads—Firuzkuh, Haraz, and the Chalus (Hezar Cham) route—were developed. The government employed foreign engineers like Gasteiger to survey and construct gravel carriage roads, a significant modernization from traditional paths. This focus on infrastructure, despite challenges like the threat of Russian incursion, fundamentally improved transport links, boosted trade with Russia, and integrated Mazandaran more closely with the capital. 5. ConclusionSafavid and Qajar road-building in Mazandaran served multiple goals: facilitating trade, enabling royal access, improving control, and enhancing security. This study identified twenty historical roads. Safavid pavements were more orderly and wider, while Qajar ones were less meticulous. The oldest road dates to the Sassanian era.During the Sassanian period, these routes were part of the empire’s broader network. Following the Arab conquest, local dynasties such as the Bavandids and Buyid maintained and adapted these roads, using them to assert autonomy and collect tolls. The Safavid revival under Shah Abbas I deliberately reoccupied many of these alignments, integrating them into a state-sponsored system of caravanserais and stone-paved causeways designed for heavy transport and rapid communication. By contrast, Qajar road-building suffered from chronic underfunding and decentralised administration, yet provincial governors often sponsored local repairs as acts of personal patronage, embedding their authority into the landscape. Several Qajar-era bridges and rest stations remain in use today, their fabric bearing witness to shifting technologies and persistent strategic concerns. This accumulated layering—Sassanian, medieval, Safavid, Qajar—imbues Mazandaran’s historic roads with exceptional stratigraphic depth.These roads were vital for commerce and connectivity, playing a crucial role in the movement of goods, people, and ideas throughout history. They established trade routes that not only linked different regions but also allowed for cultural exchanges which enriched the area’s heritage. Today, many modern east-west highways overlay historical routes, while the main north-south historical roads often run parallel to modern ones. This layering of infrastructure reflects a continuum of human activity, but it also raises concerns as urban expansion threatens these heritage sites. Preserving these roads is not merely an act of conserving history; it is also a means of fostering local economies. The study concludes that these historical roads have significant potential for cultural and eco-tourism. Integrating local narratives and historical context into tourism experiences can deepen visitors’ appreciation of the region’s rich tapestry. Principled restoration and promotion could attract tourists, offering them unique experiences of the past while preserving local memory and identity. Moreover, by developing pathways that emphasize sustainable practices, the region could mitigate the negative impacts of mass tourism while encouraging responsible visitation. In turn, this could contribute to regional sustainable development and ensure that the stories these roads tell are not lost but rather celebrated for generations to come. Ultimately, thoughtful engagement with these historical treasures can facilitate a dialogue between the past and the present, enriching both local communities and visitors alike. https://jarcs.ut.ac.ir/article_105925.html The origin and early dispersal of faba bean (Vicia faba L.) remain difficult to reconstruct due to the absence of extant wild progenitors and the limited preservation of archaeobotanical remains in early agricultural contexts. As a result, the spatial and chronological framework of early faba bean cultivation outside the core Mediterranean zone of the Fertile Crescent is still poorly defined. This study presents new archaeobotanical evidence for faba bean cultivation from the Late Village Period site of Chega Sofla, located in southwestern Iran. Seven charred faba bean seeds were recovered from a storage-related context associated with an in situ burning event. The remains were identified through detailed morphological examination and documented using standard archaeobotanical criteria. One well-preserved seed was selected for AMS radiocarbon dating, yielding a calibrated age of 6486–6387 cal BP. Morphometric observations indicate that the Chega Sofla faba beans belong to a small-seeded type and are generally smaller than many published assemblages from contemporaneous or later sites in Southwest Asia and Europe. Given the limited sample size and the well-known effects of charring on seed morphology, these observations are treated as descriptive rather than explanatory and do not imply taxonomic differentiation. Despite these limitations, the securely dated remains provide direct evidence for faba bean cultivation in southwestern Iran during the Chalcolithic. The data contribute to refining the geographical range of early legume agriculture and suggest that faba bean cultivation was integrated into village-based agricultural systems beyond the Mediterranean core of the Fertile Crescent. More broadly, the findings highlight the role of crop diversification, storage practices, and localized agricultural strategies in shaping Village Period subsistence systems in southern Iran.