Journal of Archaeological Studies

Abstract Abstract
Due to its geographical location, climatic characteristics, and historical significance, Mazandaran Province has consistently played a pivotal role in Iran’s political, economic, and cultural developments. Natural barriers such as the Alborz Mountain range and the emergence of semi-independent local rulers were among the factors that limited communication routes between the Iranian plateau and Mazandaran prior to the Safavid era. A fundamental transformation in the development of mountainous and lowland roads in Mazandaran occurred during the Safavid period, particularly under Shah Abbas I (r. 995–1038 AH), with the construction of the “Shah Abbasi Roads.” In the Qajar era, especially during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah (r. 1264–1313 AH), the region saw further road expansion under the designation of “Naser al-Din Shahi Roads,” owing to its crucial role in supplying food to the capital and facilitating trade with Russia. Despite the importance of Mazandaran’s historical roads and their associated structures, limited archaeological research has been conducted in this field, leaving many questions unanswered regarding the influence of geography and climate on road formation, their diverse functions, and the alignment of modern roads with historical routes. The present study is fundamental in purpose and adopts a historical, descriptive-analytical approach in methodology. Data were collected through library research and archaeological fieldwork. By combining these methods, the study addresses certain ambiguities and analyzes the role of historical roads in the regional and national development of Mazandaran Province. To achieve this objective, twenty historical paved roads in Mazandaran were examined. Some of these roads, located in the lowlands, intermediate slopes, and highlands of the region, are identified and introduced for the first time in this research. The findings indicate that the roads under study—primarily dating back to the Safavid and Qajar periods—functioned as interregional or intraregional transportation routes during their time.
Keywords: Mazandaran, Historical Paved Roads, Shah Abbasi Roads, Naser Al-Din Shahi Roads, Archaeology of Roads.
 
1. Introduction
Mazandaran, a significant northern Iranian region, gained importance over the last five centuries due to its connections with the Safavid and Qajar capitals and its maritime border with Russia. Historically, the Alborz mountains acted as a barrier, often allowing semi-independent rule. From the Safavid era, especially under Shah Abbas I, the region’s economic and strategic value grew, leading to the construction of “Shah Abbasi Roads” like the Isfahan-Farahabad route. These roads revolutionized trade, including exports via the Caspian Sea, and served royal recreational purposes, allowing the Shah to access the lush landscapes for leisure activities and to promote the region’s allure as a travel destination.
During the Qajar period, Mazandaran was vital for supplying Tehran and facilitating trade with Russia. Road development was key for economic growth, even for supplying charcoal to the capital. Under Naser al-Din Shah, Iranian and foreign engineers built modern gravel roads, enhancing transportation networks and contributing to the integration of the region into a burgeoning national economy. The roads not only facilitated commerce but also cultural exchanges between various regions of Iran and neighboring countries.
The strategic importance of these routes was not uniformly consistent; it fluctuated according to the priorities of successive rulers and broader geopolitical shifts. During intervals of weak central authority, local khans often assumed responsibility for road maintenance, leveraging control over key passages to extract tolls and assert autonomy. Conversely, periods of strong state intervention—particularly under Shah Abbas I and later Naser al-Din Shah—saw the reassertion of imperial oversight, often accompanied by the introduction of new engineering methods and administrative reforms. This alternating rhythm of centralisation and local initiative left distinct material signatures on the roads themselves, visible in variations of pavement technique, bridge construction, and the siting of caravanserais. The Haraz and Chalus routes, for instance, preserve multiple phases of repair and realignment, each layer reflecting the political and technological circumstances of its time.
Moreover, these pathways often influenced local customs, allowing for the dissemination of not only goods but also ideas and cultural practices. Despite their importance, these historical roads have seen little archaeological study. This research aims to address this gap by investigating the existing routes and their historical significance, examining the materials, construction techniques, and how these roads adapted over time to changing political and social circumstances. Understanding these aspects can provide invaluable insights into the resilience and evolution of Mazandaran’s infrastructure and its role in connecting different facets of Iranian heritage.
 
2. Research Objectives and Questions
This study combines historical and archaeological data to analyze Mazandaran’s historical roads. It seeks to answer: Which identifiable paved roads from the Safavid and Qajar periods exist? What political and economic objectives did these governments pursue with road construction? To what extent do modern roads align with these historical routes?
 
3. Materials and Methods
This qualitative research used field studies (over 15 years, examining 20 historical roads), direct observation, and analysis of historical sources and maps. Data on road structure and associated buildings was collected, and a mortar sample was chemically analyzed.
 
4. Discussion
The development of roads in Mazandaran was a strategic priority during both the Safavid and Qajar eras, driven by economic and geopolitical necessities. In the Safavid period, after the Ottomans controlled western borders, the government transformed Mazandaran into a vital commercial hub for exporting goods to Eastern Europe via the Caspian Sea and Caucasus. Shah Abbas I specifically built a paved road from Isfahan to the Mazandaran coast to facilitate the trade of valuable commodities like silk, for which the region was a primary production center. Advanced construction techniques, including using charcoal layers to combat humidity, were employed to ensure the road’s durability.
During the Qajar era, particularly under Naser al-Din Shah, road construction in Mazandaran reached its peak. The Shah’s personal interest in the region for recreation was complemented by stronger economic and strategic motives. Mazandaran was a crucial supplier of food and resources to Tehran, especially during famines. Geopolitically, with Russia’s expansion in the Caucasus, modernizing the routes connecting Tehran to the Caspian Sea became essential for trade and security. Three main roads—Firuzkuh, Haraz, and the Chalus (Hezar Cham) route—were developed. The government employed foreign engineers like Gasteiger to survey and construct gravel carriage roads, a significant modernization from traditional paths. This focus on infrastructure, despite challenges like the threat of Russian incursion, fundamentally improved transport links, boosted trade with Russia, and integrated Mazandaran more closely with the capital.
 
5. Conclusion
Safavid and Qajar road-building in Mazandaran served multiple goals: facilitating trade, enabling royal access, improving control, and enhancing security. This study identified twenty historical roads. Safavid pavements were more orderly and wider, while Qajar ones were less meticulous. The oldest road dates to the Sassanian era.
During the Sassanian period, these routes were part of the empire’s broader network. Following the Arab conquest, local dynasties such as the Bavandids and Buyid maintained and adapted these roads, using them to assert autonomy and collect tolls. The Safavid revival under Shah Abbas I deliberately reoccupied many of these alignments, integrating them into a state-sponsored system of caravanserais and stone-paved causeways designed for heavy transport and rapid communication. By contrast, Qajar road-building suffered from chronic underfunding and decentralised administration, yet provincial governors often sponsored local repairs as acts of personal patronage, embedding their authority into the landscape. Several Qajar-era bridges and rest stations remain in use today, their fabric bearing witness to shifting technologies and persistent strategic concerns. This accumulated layering—Sassanian, medieval, Safavid, Qajar—imbues Mazandaran’s historic roads with exceptional stratigraphic depth.
These roads were vital for commerce and connectivity, playing a crucial role in the movement of goods, people, and ideas throughout history. They established trade routes that not only linked different regions but also allowed for cultural exchanges which enriched the area’s heritage. Today, many modern east-west highways overlay historical routes, while the main north-south historical roads often run parallel to modern ones. This layering of infrastructure reflects a continuum of human activity, but it also raises concerns as urban expansion threatens these heritage sites. Preserving these roads is not merely an act of conserving history; it is also a means of fostering local economies. The study concludes that these historical roads have significant potential for cultural and eco-tourism. Integrating local narratives and historical context into tourism experiences can deepen visitors’ appreciation of the region’s rich tapestry. Principled restoration and promotion could attract tourists, offering them unique experiences of the past while preserving local memory and identity. Moreover, by developing pathways that emphasize sustainable practices, the region could mitigate the negative impacts of mass tourism while encouraging responsible visitation. In turn, this could contribute to regional sustainable development and ensure that the stories these roads tell are not lost but rather celebrated for generations to come. Ultimately, thoughtful engagement with these historical treasures can facilitate a dialogue between the past and the present, enriching both local communities and visitors alike.

Abstract The study of Islamic Period buildings in Iran proves the presence of countless religious and non-religious tombs that are scattered in most parts of this border and region. As one of the most important elements of Islamic-Iranian architecture, these buildings have a special diversity, so that their study reveals the architectural and decorative features of each period. Tomb for religious Personalities in Iran has received more attention than other Islamic countries; the reason for this is the role of tombs and its integration with the customs and religion of Muslim Iranians, and this is the reason that justifies the continued popularity of religious tombs in Iran. In this research, the architecture of the tomb of Sultan Ibrahim Reza located in Abgarm village of Darmian city, South Khorasan province will be introduced. In the present article, while introducing and analyzing the architecture of the building, motifs and decorations, inscriptions and memorabilia of the building are discussed. The present article is based on a descriptive-analytical method and its findings are partly through the study of library resources and the other part is done in the field. The main question of the research is in what period this building was built and what are the salient features of the building architecture? According to the inscription of the building and short reports made by previous scholars, the construction date of the building dates back to the Safavid period, while by studying and analyzing the architecture of Timurid buildings in Khorasan, it probably dates back to the late Timurid period. The tomb of Sultan Ibrahim Reza is a two-storey building with four porches and a magnificent dome. Among the architectural features of the building are symmetry, the use of various arches and magnificent inscriptions on the body of the building, which provide complete information about this building over a long period of time.

Abstract Qalʻeh Geli Kaj site, located in 50 km northeast of Qom, with an area of ​​about seven hectares, is one of the most important settlements in the historical period of Qom region. This site, which consists of two parts of the central castle and the remains of the settlement around it, is of special importance in archaeological studies and the history of Iranian architecture in terms of architectural features and various techniques of arch construction. Despite the scattered research that has been done about this site, there are still various questions about the dating, use and also the factors influencing the formation, development and abandonment of this place. The present study aims to answer the existing questions and ambiguities by using the archaeological evidence obtained from the superficial survey of the site and studying the written historical and geographical sources. Therefore, the method used in this research is based on historical analysis and data collection based on field and documentary studies. According to the results, the location of Qalʻeh Geli Kaj, next to one of the sub-branches of the Silk Road (Isfahan to Rey road) and the need to provide the people’s own and financial security of commercial caravans, have been among the main factors of this site’s formation and development. In fact, the initial nucleus of Qalʻeh Geli in the Parthian period was formed as a facility related to the communication road around it, and during the Sassanid period, as a result of the expansion of trade relations, it became a small town. With the arrival of Islam in Iran and following the recession of economic activities, living in Qalʻeh Geli also declined for several centuries; but after the coming to power of the Seljuks and re-advert to trade affairs, with the reconstruction of the architectural structures of Qalʻeh Geli and the construction of a stone caravanserai on its southeastern side, this town was rebuilt. The Seljuk settlement of Qalʻeh Geli is not the last stage of settlement in there and according to archeological evidence, it was also used during the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods; but it has never regained its previous glory. Finally, with the construction of a new communication road between Qom and Tehran in 1882 AD Qalʻeh Geli was also abandoned

Abstract The Sasanian rock reliefs reliefs has been repeatedly, seriously, expertly and completely studied by Iranian and non-Iranian archaeologists and researchers, however, there are remarkable different point of views in expressing the historical content of some of the rock reliefs, especially the identification of some of the characters. The reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan known as Taq-i Bustan III (TB III) (Figures 1 and 2) are considered as the most controversial and challenging Sasanian rock relief, and the identity of its characters are not known with certainty and are still unclear. Some scholars attributed all of the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I. They believed that he wanted to show divine gifts given to him and his country. Some of the researchers and archaeologists attributed the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Khusrow Parviz. The other researchers and archaeologists known the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Ardashir III (For more studies see Mousavi Haji and Sarfaraz, 2017). By attributing all the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I, the authors of this article try to make clear the real identity of one of the characters present in the investiture relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. The character in question is situated at the right of the scene and to the left of Piruz I, and it appears he invested the royal ring to the Sassanid king (Figure 3). Although, most of the Iranian and non-Iranian scholars and archaeologists introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda, but according to historical sources, facial characteristics and symbol studies, the authors have no any doubt that he was the god Bahram, not the god Ahura Mazda. The most important aim of this article is to clarify the real identity of the character in question in the investiture scene of the Piruz I in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Except Nosratallah Bokhtortash (1998) and overlaet (2011) that attributed the character in question in the investiture scene of Sasanian king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Mobadan Mobad, other scholars such as Herzfeld (2002), Sheppard (2008), Ghirshman (1975), Vanden Berghe (1984), Meshkati (1970), Scratto (2004), Sami (2010), Shahbazi (1389), Canepa (2013), Haerinck (1999), Azarpay (2000), Hermann (1977), Schmidt (1970), Mackintosh (1978), Tanabe (2003) believed that the Sasanian king in the investiture relief of Large grotto of Taq-i Bustan receiving the royal ring from the great god Ahura Mazda. However, these scholars do not provide a clear and convincing reason in justifying their attribution, and they introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda just on the basis of the fact that the act of investing the royal ring as the symbol of Farrah is performed only from the great god, and therefore he should be the god Ahura Mazda. On the contrary, Bokhtortash and overlaet criticized the archaeologists and orientalists who attributed the character of the investor person as the god Ahura Mazda, and instead they mentioned that the god Ahura Mazda has not appearance and can’t be seen. On the basis of this fact they believed that the person who invested the royal ring in this relief is Mobadan Mobad and not the god Ahura Mazda. The results of this study which are basic research in the view of the purpose and historical research in the view of the method, clearly show that the character in this rock relief should be the god Bahram and not the god Ahura Mazda. To prove this claim, the first the physical appearance and iconography characteristics of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the Sasanian rock reliefs were studied. The results of the study show that the character in question in this article could not be the god Ahura Mazda because in all of the rock reliefs, the god Ahura Mazda wear crenellated crown that the hair appeared above it. But in the rock relief of the Taq-i Bustan, the character in question did not wear crenellated crown. So this character did not have the most characteristic of the god Ahura Mazda i.e. the crenellated crown. In addition, the dress, mantle and trouser of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan have complete differences with the clothes of the god Ahura Mazda. In none of the images, the god Ahura Mazda wear a long mantle that covers the ankle. Therefore, from the point of view of clothing, it is completely different from the images of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the other rock reliefs. The other important point is the beard of this person. The god Ahura Mazda has a folded and open beard in all of the rock reliefs, but this person has a ring at the end of his beard that gathers his beard and makes it like a triangular. This feature is not only unprecedented in any of the surviving images of the god Ahura Mazda, but only seen in the images of the kings. In addition, the trouser of the god Ahura Mazda are not placed in long boots in any of the rock reliefs. In the Park Museum of Taq-i Bustan twelve Sasanian capitals were exhibited which have been collected from different parts of Kermanshah province and transferred to this historical site to preserve (Moradi, 2004). On these capitals, the images of the Sasanian king, various vegetal motifs and the image of several Zoroastrian gods are depicted, which among the Zoroastrian gods, the god Bahram depicted more than the other gods. On one of the capitals, the god Bahram is depicted with a three quarter face and frontal body with big eyes, wavy face moustache and curly beard (Figure 10). He wears a helmet that covers his head and neck completely. On the bottom of the helmet and in the forehead position, a strip consisting of two rows of circular beads is wrapped around the helmet. On top of the helmet, the curly strands of the hair appear, which was wrapped with an ornamental ribbon. On his shoulders, there are big circular globes. He wears a tight, pearl-embroidered dress with a cloak that covers the chest and arms and is fastened at the front by a circular button. He puts his left hand on his chest and puts his thumbs and index fingers on top of each other, and with his right hand, he holds up the royal ring, which symbolizes the Farrah of God (Ibid.). It is interesting to know that in many cases the iconographic characteristics of the god Bahram in this capital are comparable to the physical characteristics of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Both characters wear the same helmet, from which curly strands of hair appeared and are adorned with a wavy ribbon. Both characters have necklaces adorned with two strings of pearls around their necks and both of them wear a cloak that fastened with a button on the front of their chests. Both characters have large eyes and are placed circular globes on their shoulders (compare the Figure 10 with Figure 2). In addition to the physical characteristics and iconographical sources, there are other credible and reliable reasons that testify to the correct attribution of the character discussed in this article as the god Bahram. The main reasons are:
- Historical sources and religious texts emphasize the close relationship between the god Bahram and its relationship with water and rain. The presence of the god Bahram in this rock relief testifies the companionship and cooperation of this god and the water goddess Anahita in overcoming the drought of Piruz I. The cooperation of the god Bahram and the goddess Anahita is so unprecedented that it has found its way into literature and has remained in the minds in the following years.
-The main function of the god Bahram is victory in war. Therefore, his connection with water and rain, as well as his victory in the war, is completely in line with the two prominent events of Piruz I, i.e. the war and the drought, and makes his presence necessary.
- The most important characteristic of the crown of Piruz I is the two wings of the eagle which is opened and it is regarded as the symbol of the god Bahram and shows the interest and belief of Piruz I. Even the name of this king is in complete harmony with the meaning of victory –which is the main function of the god Bahram

Abstract Geographic and environmental attributes of a given region assume a pivotal role in the formation and persistence of human settlements. Nature confers possibilities and resources on human, who, as per his understanding of them, employs them in pursuit of his goals, hence the rise of human–nature interaction. The frequency of and the ways in which human settlements are established and the type of functions they serve with regard to environmental characteristics give rise to the ecology, which aims to grasp the scope of the interrelationships between humans and the environment. The present paper examines the scope of human-environment interactions in the Parthian period over the geographic extent of ​​the central part of the Kopeh dagh-Aladagh corridor.
The paper seeks to ascertain the local environment’s influence on the formation and evolution of Parthian settlements and to find out the pertinent settlement patterns in northern Khorasan.
Given the environmental potentialities, what were the Parthians’ criteria for site location when establishing their settlements? How did these priorities affect the distribution of sites and their settlement pattern in the study area?  The present paper represents a multifaceted research drawing upon archaeological survey, ecological studies, information processing in GIS, examining the relationships between natural and cultural variables and their impact on the formation of the contemporaneous settlements, and finally archaeological analysis.  The study adopts an ecological and economical approach. In this context, ecological data on the relation between soil type, geology, flora, fauna, and water table or “biosorption analysis” have been used. Processual archaeologists use ecological systems as their basic model for observing the adaptive transformations humans in response to environmental circumstances as even small environmental alterations will have the potential to affect cultural structures.
The Kopeh dagh-Aladagh corridor stretches from Garmab in western North Khorasan to the Mashhad plain to the east. For the purposes of this study, the corridor is divided into the following three separate parts based on geographic features that someway affect cultural aspects: a) Western part: extending from the beginning of the village of Garmab to the border of Shirvan County (Reza Abad), this part is characterized by a mountainous terrain with narrow passes such as Badranlu; b) Central part: in this part, defined by the beginning of Shirvan County (Reza Abad) and the end of Quchan County, the plains grow wider as the mountains begin to sit back; c) Eastern part: Chenaran County and the Mashhad plain mark the extreme boundaries of this part. The focus of the present work is on the central corridor, viz. the stretch delineated by the counties of Shirvan, Farooj and Quchan (Figure: 1). Geographically, the study area encompasses the structural valley of Atrak-Kashafrud, an expanse that is bounded by the mountains of Kopeh Dagh/Hezar Masjed to the north and the Aladagh/Binalud mountains to the south (Figure:2). This plain geomorphological unit exhibits a fairly wide and flat landform, and is principally affected by the sedimentary process of the flowing water bodies of the Kashafrud and Atrak rivers and their tributaries. Geomorphology, it consists of three main units of plain, foothills, and mountains. Its northern and southern sectors are mountainous, its slopes are characterized by foothills, and its central part consists of plain. Indeed, the mountainous quarters comprise small, narrow intermontane plains, which fall in the plain sub-class. The regional heights follow the northwest-southeast trend dictated by the general orientation of the Kopeh dagh zone. The Atrak and Kashafrud rivers rise from the regional mountains, forming two drainage basins. The archeological survey of the concerned area recorded more than 500 archaeological mounds and sites spanning the Chalcolithic to the Islamic period. Based on a comparative analysis of the surface pottery, 20 Parthian sites are distinguishable. It is notable that due to the lack of adequate knowledge of common Parthian pottery forms in the region, due caution has been exercised in the identification of these sites. These Parthian sites are divided between 16 examples lying in the northern half of the plain on the southern slopes of Kopeh dagh/Hezar Masjed and 4 instances that occur in the southern half on the northern slopes of Aladagh. As stated, a main objective of this study is to pin down the influential factors of the region's ecology in the formation of Parthian sites and their distribution in the geographic setting of the central Kopeh dagh-Aladagh corridor. To this end, such components as geology, altitude, slope gradient and aspect, climate, water resources and soil are explored. Finally, the results of the study reveal a close and direct correlation between the site location and the environmental factors (Figures: 3-10). The central Kopeh dagh/Hezar Masjed corridor on the north and Aladagh/Binalud on the south form an upland district hemmed in by mountains. Due to its mountain geomorphology, the area is generally dominated by cold, dry climate. In mountainous regions, slopes and valleys generally offer more advantageous conditions for settlement as the altitude variable prompts reduced temperature and increased humidity. Dropped temperature in warm seasons results in lowered evaporation of water resources, making water resources more easily accessible throughout the year. The choice of appropriate altitude as an influential factor in human activities has thus led to the concentration of Parthian settlements on the slopes dominating the plain. Choosing slopes provided the local populations with access to montane pastures, but also enabled them to exploit alluvial and fertile plains. The same strategy is still operative in the region, where, save for the cities that lie in the plain, rural settlements mostly sit on the slopes overlooking the plain. The distribution of the sites in reference to the slope gradient and aspect shows that, with the exception of F 0026, the Parthian sites lie in proper points of terrain ruggedness and slope gradient spectra, and their dominant slope aspect indicates the maximum use of solar heat in this cold region, with advantageous impacts on agricultural production and pastures. Given their location on slopes, the hitherto identified Parthian sites mostly occur on the spring-fed influent streams that flow into the Atrak, with no instances recognized along the latter. In light of the results from environmental studies, the altitude, slope gradient, easy access to water resources, and fertile soil served as the foremost factors governing the distribution of Parthian sites in the region as they were directly linked with subsistence. It is notable that while our environmental studies drew on the present-day landscape, the survey of the study area produced about 500 sites dating between the Chalcolithic to the Islamic period, and presence of this huge number of sites over this protracted timespan testifies to the fact that advantageous environmental conditions did prevail in the past.
 

Abstract Investigating and prioritizing the centrality (political) of the Qajar fortified settlements areas in Sistan region of Iran requires studying effective environmental factors (natural and human) using appropriate methods, techniques and models. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate and prioritize existing criteria and indicators to determine the centrality of these settlements (9 cases) using the Analytic Network Process (ANP) model. In this regard, the research question is: Which castle settlement in the Qajar period played a more central political role in Sistan? The methodology used in this research is descriptive-analytical and comparative-historical and based on documentary (library) studies and field surveys. ArcGIS and Super Decisions software were used for data analysis. The results show that the highest priority rating in all castle settlements belongs to the "Sekuheh" option with a score of (0.233). Of the criteria “natural environmental factors” the option “relative slope against flood” (0.388) ranked first and the option “access to the hydrographic network of Hirmand” (0.217) gained the second rank and highest scores in this criterion group. Besides, gaining the top score in the option “the extent of castle settlement” (0.473), the criterion “human environmental factors” ranked top.

Abstract Firuz Abad or Shahr-e Gur is an important city founded by Ardashir Papakan. Despite of researches on Gur and spatial structure of the city, there is ambiguity about function of its architecture especially one which is called "Takhtneshin". Some believe that it may be an Achamenid tomb, while others suggest it to have been functioned as Sassanid fire temple or Chartagh. For a comprehensive study, this research uses field material, historical written resourses as well as descriptive-analytical approaches. Data analysis indicated that the structural patterns of so-called Takhtneshin categorized here as "nine domes structures, can be regarded as a ceremonial building functioning throughout the Sassanid period.

Abstract Based on the historical texts from the Achaemenian Empire, there have been tribes living in Sistan known as Drangiana or Zaranka. According to the texts these tribes assisted Cyrus by sending food and since then they were called Givers (assisters). Archaeological studies in Sistan introduced some places such as (Dahaneh-ye Qolaman (the Slaves’ Valley) and Surkh Dagh) to be as the settlement site of Evergetáe but there have been no reliable evidence for such suggestions. By conducting an archaeological study in Sistan we tried to locate several new Achaemenian areas, by which we explored new data which enable us to identify the actual location of Evergetáes. In this research comparison made on the characteristics of Evergetáes as mentioned in the written sources on one hand and archaeological specifications of the sites across the different parts of Sistan on the other hand we suggest an alternative location for the Achaemenian Evergetáe in the Sistan plain.

Abstract One of the most important sits of Sasanian period in Iran from which the Royal Hunting Plaques were recovered has been Chal Tarkhan of Eshgh Abad. There was a Sasanian palace containing a considerable number of stucco representing variety of subject pointing to a deep understanding of Sasanian stucco art. In spite of the researchers made by e.g. Thompson and Kroger on this Plaques yet, there have been doubts around their true identity as well as theirs art styles. The pieces of Chal Tarkhan stucco plaques represen three version of hunting scene by Sasanian Kings consisting of Bahram and Azade on a camel, King on a deer and several pieces of the King on the horseback.
In this article we review the most special characteristics of the plaques motifs through making a comparative study among the well known motifs of Sasanian objects to place the Royal Hunting of Chal Tarkhan Plaques in their real chronological order. We also attempted to explain the artistic sides of the Plaques as the different art works of Sassanians represent different ideas and motifs.