Journal of Archaeological Studies

Abstract Historical data and reports have the ability to be matched with mythological and epic content. The emergence of special conditions in history and its similarity with epic or mythological conditions leads to the reproduction of historical characters with epic patterns. The endangerment of Iranshahr in the national narrative is the most important reason for the emergence of heroes who protect the dignity of Iran. The attack of the Turanians on Iran leads to prolonged battles, in which the warriors of Iran protect Iran's border and territory with various sacrifices. In fact, the narrative of the invading East and the emergence of epics and the subsequent brilliance of the warriors are the most important pillars of Iran's national narratives. The same plan and pattern is repeated from the middle of the Sassanid period onwards, when the Turks and Huns attacked Iranshahr. During this period, Bahram Chubin is fighting with the eastern enemy as a warrior and is trying to protect Iran. It seems that the myth of Arash, which ironically has roots in the Mehran dynasty (cognate with Arash Kamangir), is canonized and used as a model and example of Bahram Chobin from the epic in the late Sassanid era. In this research, we intend to test the hypothesis of the role model of Arash Kamangir's mythological narrative for Bahram Chubineh with descriptive and analytical methods.

Abstract The relocation of the administrative and political center of the Hormuz Kingdom from coastal Hormuz to Jarun Island was one of the significant events influencing the political and economic transformations in the Persian Gulf during the late 7th century. This relocation created a new position for the transportation of goods and, as a result, created new trade routes. Hormuz was connected to Jiruft and then to Kerman through a main road, which was considered the most important route for land caravans to access the port of Hormuz until the 8th century AH. Numerous archaeological and historical evidence indicate that the use of this route gradually diminished during the 8th century AH and was replaced by an alternative route. At the same time, the emergence of new roads also provided suitable conditions for the growth and development of settlements and villages and led to the emergence of a new geographical, demographic, and social space. Since the issue of the relocation of trade centers from coastal Hormuz to Jarun Island and the formation of the road network in the northern regions of the Persian Gulf in the 8th century AH has not been studied and investigated using historical resources, the present article aims to examine this topic and uses the hypothesis of "the decline and prosperity of northern cities and settlements in the Persian Gulf is a consequence of change in the road network and relocation of trade centers" as its framework

Abstract دره بمپور در جنوب شرق ایران در استان سیستان و بلوچستان قرار دارد و پیشینه مطالعات باستان شناسی در آن به دهه 30 میلادی و حضور اشتین در منطقه باز می گردد. دره بمپور یکی از مناطق مهم در جنوب شرق ایران برای درک فرایندهای فرهنگی پیش از تاریخ به حساب می آید. مطالعات جدید باستان شناسی در این منطقه شامل بررسی فراگیر باستان شناسی آن در سال 1390 است که در آن 122 محوطه از ادوار مختلف فرهنگی شناسایی شد که 48 محوطه آن مربوط به دوران مس سنگی است که مهمترین محوطه آن تپه چاه حسینی می باشد. علاوه بر آن 47 محوطه کوچک و بزرگ دیگر با اندازه های مختلف نیز شناسایی شد که وجه اشتراک بیشتر آنها حضور سفالهای یحیی VA علاوه بر سفالهای محلی، سفال علی آباد و نوع میری کلات II است که تاریخ آنها به 4500 تا 3600 پیش از میلاد باز میگردد که این تاریخ گزاری بر اساس مطالعات جدید باستان شناسی در نقاط همسایه با دشت بمپور همچون کرمان و مکران است. محوطه های مس سنگی شناسایی شده غالبا اندازه های کوچک کمتر از سه هکتار داشتند. برای درک برخی پیچیدگی های تصمیم سازی در این جوامع محوطه ها با استفاده از نرم افزار آماری SPSS به سه گروه تقسیم شدند و سپس با استفاده از سایر روشهای سنجش آماری فاصله آنها از یکدیگر نیز سنجیده شد که نهایتا ارتباط معنا داری میان اندازه محوطه ها و سلسع مراتب آنها را نشان میداد.

For a better understanding of the various aspects of complexity and site size hierarchy, the relationship between site size and the distance of each site from the others was analyzed using SPSS. Consequently, the correlation between them was calculated by Pearson R and regression tests. Ultimately, this analysis demonstrates that examining distances and sizes is meaningful.

Abstract The study of burial traditions is one of the most important ways to understand the religious, cultural and social structures of the Sasanian era. Despite the religious integrity and the government's compulsion regarding the spread of Zoroastrian religion's tradition of placing the dead in the open air to prevent the pollution of natural elements; Due to the vastness of the territory, environmental diversity and the presence of other religions, various traditions have emerged and expanded in the burial of the Sassanid period. The northern shores of the Persian Gulf are no exception to this rule and have great diversity in burial traditions. Stone pit burials, burial vats, stone coffins, graves covered with stone slabs and silent towers are among the most important burial traditions of the Persian Gulf region. In the archeological studies of the historical port of Najirom, new types of burial traditions of this period were identified, which have not been reported elsewhere.
In this ancient site, in addition to stone pit burials, Graveyard or Studan, and the Silent Tower, burial structures have been built using lime mortar and carcass stones in three different shapes. In the first type, it is a small platform for placing the bones of the dead as a secondary burial. The second type is a small crypt with an arched cover in which the bones of the dead were placed, and the third type is the humble crypts in which the bones were placed, and on its arched roof,were placed, and on its arched roof,

Abstract Recent archaeological research at Tepe Hissar, located in the northeast of the Central Iranian Plateau, has provided concrete evidence for the presence of the Proto-Elamite phenomenon at this site. The main focus of this study is a comparative analysis of the gray ware pottery and the cylinder seals recovered from the layers of the Hissar II period (second half of the fourth millennium BCE), with well-known samples from other Proto-Elamite sites. The findings indicate that the gray wares of Hissar, in terms of clay composition, firing technique, form, and decorations, display clear similarities with the standard Proto-Elamite examples from Tepe Sofalin, Pishva. The analysis of the Hissar cylinder seals—regarding material, manufacturing techniques, and iconography—reflects the cultural connections of Hissar with southwestern Iran and its role in the exchange and artistic networks of the Proto-Elamite era. This body of evidence positions Tepe Hissar not merely as a point of contact, but as an active and innovative link in the cultural interactions of the late fourth millennium BCE, highlighting the need to reconsider prevailing models for the transmission of Proto-Elamite culture to northeastern regions. Based on ceramic and seal data, Tepe Hissar should be viewed not as a passive intermediary, but as an active agent in the communication networks and cultural developments of the Proto-Elamite period in northeastern Iran—a site that, through the selection and reinterpretation of imported and local elements, contributed to the formation of distinctive cultural traditions.

Abstract Abstract: In his attempt to revive ancient Mesopotamian traditions, Nabonidus, the last king of the Neo-Babylonian period, searched the old texts, excavated some buried sites and found detailed instructions about the cult of the entu, the high priestesses of temples. He then re‑established the long‑forgotten tradition of theogamy of ancient Mesopotamia. By referring to a lunar eclipse, he selected his daughter as the wife of Sin, the Moon God and named her En-nigaldi-nanna. She resided next to the ziggurat of Ur in the old residence of the entu, which was reconstructed by her father, and she started to govern the temple and its economic activities. By this act, Nabonidus created a familial bond with the Moon God. This enabled him to pursue several political and economic objectives, the most important of which was strengthening the status of Sin against Marduk, the supreme god of Babylon. His deeds, however, angered the priests of Babylon and eventually weakened his status by the time of Cyrus the Great’s arrival. After her father lost the throne of Babylon, En-nigaldi-nanna’s life and status as the high priestess of the temple of Sin at Ur and the wife of the Moon God remained unchanged. She conducted excavations in ancient sites of southern Mesopotamia and started to collect artifacts. She continued such activities into the reign of Darius the Great. Yet, it has remained comparatively underappreciated that her designation as high priestess of the sanctuary for life was orchestrated by Nabonidus as a means of reinforcing his political authority. In the face of this unavoidable appointment, En-nigaldi-Nanna had no alternative but to submit. This reflects the underlying realities of power in ancient Mesopotamian societies.

Abstract This study investigates the absolute and relative chronology of the Bronze Age at Tappeh Shireh-Paz-Khāneh (Shiretal) in the Qazvin Plain, northern regions of Central Plateau of Iran, based on excavations conducted in 2015-2016. The site presents a multiperiod archaeological record, including Late Neolithic, Middle Bronze, and Late Bronze Age deposits. Despite the limited knowledge of the Bronze Age in the Central Plateau, particularly the notable gap from the mid-third to the mid-second millennium BC, the findings at Tappeh Shireh-Paz-Khāneh provide valuable insights into the cultural and social dynamics of the period. This research aims to document and analyze the archaeological features and pottery assemblage to establish a relative and absolute chronology for the Bronze Age phases represented at the site. The study will also compare the cultural traditions observed at Tappeh Shireh-Paz-Khāneh with those of contemporary sites in the neighboring regions, to assess cultural continuity and regional interactions. Methodologically, systematic excavation and stratigraphic analysis have been conducted to categorize artifacts and architectural remains. The typological and chronological frameworks will facilitate dating the artifacts, especially pottery assemblage, and constructing a timeline of cultural sequences. By examining these findings, this research will contribute to a deeper understanding of the socio-political dynamics of the Bronze Age in the region, shedding light on the transitions leading to the Iron Age and the subsequent Median and Achaemenid empires. Based on relative and absolute chronological evidence for the Bronze Age, the site was occupied during both the Middle and Late Bronze Age settlement phases. The estimated date ranges for these phases at this site are 2400–2100 BC for the Middle Bronze Age, and 1800–1700 BC for the Late Bronze Age.

Abstract This article investigates the pottery assemblage at Tom-e Maroon and Soltan Miran, two archaeological sites in Rudan county licated in Hormozgan province of Iran. The human settelment in these two sites encompasses a period from the Bronze Age to the Islamic era. This paper provides a comprehensive archaeological analysis on the Bronze Age pottshards of these two archaeological sites and elaborates more on the data by the compositional data acauired by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and petrography. This tudy also delves into the potential interrelationship between Tom-e Maron and Soltan Miran with the surrounding areas, especially the Halil Rud basin in order to discuss the cultural interactions and the development of early settlements across the Persian Gulf coast and its relationship with historical trade routes and ancient cultural centers. The data presented in this article show that Tom-e Maroon and Soltan Miran Bronze Age pottery is divided into seven types of pottery including polychrome and bicrhome pottery, buff-colored pottery, red pottery, Emir-type pottery, plain and patterned orange pottery, light brown pottery, and kitchen ware. Archaeological study and X-ray fluorescence compositional data suggest that most of the pottery assemblage at this two archaeological sites are likely imported goods from one of the important sites of the old Bronze Age southeast of Iran, i.e. Tappeh Yahya. This large import of pottery from Tappeh Yahya has occurred some time between the late fourth millennium BC to the early third millennium BC. Our study also suggests that a limited number of potshards from the archaeological sites under study might have been manufactured locally or imported from the areas other that Tappeh Yahya.

Abstract Samanid slip-painted ceramics represent some of the most significant examples of the conjunction of text and object in Islamic art. In these works, Arabic inscriptions, primarily featuring ethical and sapiential themes, function not merely as decorative elements but as integral components of the vessel’s semantic structure. Despite numerous studies on the inscriptions of these ceramics, the repeated appearance of the word Aḥmad at the center of certain groups of these wares continues to be a subject of interpretative debate. Previous research, lacking consensus, has variously identified this word as a personal name, a potter’s signature, or a benedictory or auspicious phrase, yet without offering a systematic and simultaneous analysis of its placement, the themes of encircling inscriptions, and their formal characteristics. This article, focusing on a collection of ceramics inscribed with Aḥmad, re-examines the meaning and function of this word on these wares. It employs a semantic analysis of the encircling inscriptions, a paleographic examination of the script, and a comparison with the tradition of potter’s signature (Raqam) in Islamic ceramics. The findings indicate that these ceramics exhibit a tendency towards a limited and repetitive set of themes and are formally restricted to approximately two distinct styles of Kufic script. These structural commonalities, along with supplementary evidence from inscriptions featuring nisba (genealogical attributions) on similar wares, strengthen the possibility that this group is linked to a small workshop or a network of familial production associated with an individual named Aḥmad. Consequently, Aḥmad functioned as an identity marker, subtly connecting the maker’s individuality with workshop identity. It simultaneously evoked layers of spiritual or ethical associations linked to this name in the contemporary viewer’s mind.

Abstract Discontinuities in archaeological settlement sequences constitute one of the major challenges in geoarchaeological research, and identifying their origin requires reconstructing the geomorphological processes responsible for sediment accumulation within archaeological sites. The open-air archaeological site of Komishani, located adjacent to Komishan Cave in Mazandaran Province, northern Iran, preserves evidence of human occupation dating from the Mesolithic to the Bronze Age. Occupational hiatus, occurring between the archaeological horizons and dated to between 8600 and 8200 BCE, has raised important questions regarding the origin of the natural deposits responsible for the interruption. To address this issue, sedimentological analyses and geomorphological observations were integrated to reconstruct the depositional history of the site. Sediment samples were analyzed using dry sieving, grain-size distribution, statistical grain-size parameters, and morphometric indices of coarse clasts. The results indicate that the natural deposits are predominantly composed of coarse-grained sediments exhibiting poor to very poor sorting. The predominance of discoidal and bladed clasts, moderate sphericity, angular particle morphology, lithological similarity between the clasts and adjacent limestone outcrops, together with the geomorphological characteristics of the area, including steep hillslopes, faulted geological structures, and unstable bedrock, indicate a local sediment source and short transport distances. Collectively, these lines of evidence suggest that the deposits were generated by hillslope and mass-wasting processes, which rapidly transported and accumulated clastic materials, burying parts of the occupation surface and producing the observed sedimentary discontinuity within the archaeological sequence. These findings emphasize the fundamental role of geomorphological processes in controlling natural sediment accumulation and generating occupational discontinuities in archaeological sites.

Abstract The city of Susa, as one of the oldest urban centers in Iran, faced significant political, economic, and social ups and downs during the Sassanid period. Although written documents mark Shapur II's attack on Susa as the end of the city's life, archaeological data presents a more complex and dynamic picture of Susa's situation during this period. The present study aims to examine, based on the analysis of written sources and archaeological evidence, the factors that led to the rise and fall of the city of Susa during the Sassanid period. The main question of the study is what factors led to the Climax and decline of the status of Susa during the Sassanid period and how material evidence reflects these developments. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that Susa experienced relative prosperity in the early Sassanid centuries, especially during the reign of Shapur I, following the transfer of artisans from Antioch And the urban reconstructions that occurred and its ultimate decline were not the result of a sudden destruction, but rather the result of the centralization policy of the Sasanian state, the development of newly founded cities such as Gondishapur and Iran-Khore shapur, demographic changes, and political-religious restrictions. The research method is historical, descriptive-analytical, and comparative, and the data are analyzed based on written evidence from early Islam, such as travelogues and chronicles, Christian testimonies, and its combination with the findings of archaeological excavations in Susa, including architectural evidence, coins, seals, pottery, wall paintings, metal and glass works. The results of the research show that although Susa faced a serious crisis in the fourth century, archaeological evidence indicates that the city continued to be inhabited, active, and urban in nature until the late Sasanian period And decline is a gradual, structural process, not a sudden collapse.

Abstract One of the common types of late historical architecture in Iran is the manor houses, most of which were built in the Qajar period and were of interest to the rulers of cities and villages of this period. Most of the manor houses in the Kohgiluyeh region were built during the later Islamic centuries (from the early Qajar period to the first Pahlavi period) due to the weakness of the central government and the resulting chaos, as well as for the purpose of residence and settlement of local khans and their entourage. During a systematic survey conducted by the authors in the Kohgiluyeh region between 1402 and 1404, 34 manor houses were identified. One of the most important goals of this research, in addition to analyzing the data obtained from it and utilizing the results of publications on defensive fortifications and castles, is to study the architecture of the aforementioned buildings. The results obtained indicate that in these buildings, geographically and defensively, natural hills and heights have been given special attention due to their dominance over the surrounding areas and better defensive capabilities. In terms of design, these castles have plans with a central courtyard and are built in an introverted manner and with similar spatial relationships. Plaster and brickwork decorations with slim and geometric motifs are the dominant decorations in this category of buildings. In terms of design, these castles have plans with a central courtyard and are built in an introverted manner and with similar spatial relationships. All the materials used in these castles are indigenous and the uniformity in the use of different materials is clearly seen in the construction of the buildings due to the prevalence of single architectural styles. Plaster and brickwork decorations with slim and geometric motifs are the dominant decorations in this category

Abstract Seals and clay sealings are the most important cultural material of Sasanian period. There have been a few seals and bullas of various periods retained in the Moghadam Museum of Tehran. These materials have not been introduced so far. Authors of the present paper aim at to study and introduce the sasanian seals and bullas of this museum especially those bearing animal symbolic motifs. We do this through comparing them by the same materials of the different collections such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and Takht-i Soleiman collections while some of them are introduced here for the first time. The most interesting thing which we foun by this sresearch have been the Mithraism elements which were used by Sasanians as iconographic motifs on their sealing systems.

Abstract According to technical presages, in the preliminary studies, we have found that there are at least 12 different kinds of stucco decorations belonging to the Islamic periods of Iran. Technical executive details in each kind of these decorations depending on composition and method of treatment, manner of forming, and measure of relieve are different. Unlike two common categorizations which are based on method of forming and/ or measure of relieve, this kind of new categorization has founded on technical details and executive methods. Therefore it can be more suitable for conservation and restoration goals, technological and archeological aims, as well as in scientific research for understanding and presentation of traditional methods and technology used to create these works of art. The results of these studies have lead us to a technical classification of stucco decorations that contains: high relief, semi relief, mould stucco, Koshtehbori, Cupbori, combined with tile or glass, Tongbori, lattice, and coiled paste on the flat mirror, combined with Simgel, and mosaic stucco decorations.

Abstract Since the ancient times, burial practices have displayed certain characteristics among different Iranian ethnic groups and regions were influenced by the local religious orientations, traditions and environments, and are regarded as part of the spiritual culture of any given population. Indeed, religious beliefs play the main role in this diversity. Because of the empire’s long endurance and vast extent as well as its exceptional cultural diversity, various burial customs prevailed during the Parthian period. Large number of cemeteries with a plethora of different burial practices has been excavated at different Parthian sites lying both within and outside modern Iran, including jar burial, cellar burial, mausoleum, coffin burial, well burial, parallelepiped graves, simple pits and cairns.
Unlike the most area in the Iranian central plateau, the vast plain around Tehran have no been the focus of any serious archaeological surveys or excavations thus the historical setting, archaeology and burial patterns of the region during the Parthian period remained totally unknown. However, a number of burials have recently been discovered and excavated during two seasons of excavations at Veliran. Their preliminary study has revealed important information on burial practices and religious attitude of the residents of Damavand area during the Parthian period. The results of this study are described in the present paper.

Abstract The archaeologists who have investigated Ziwiyeh have presented different views about the constructors of material culture and its artistic styles. The majority of them, relying on one single object and analyzing its inscription and comparison with similar cases of adjacent cultures and sites, have attributed the origin of materials and artistic styles with respective region, and on the basis of the comparison, have dated all of the collection of Ziwiyeh. What is wrong with them about the stylistics and chronology of objects is that they coincided all the collection of objects found in Ziwiyeh. It seems, one of the reasons for this imagination have been discovery of the majority of treasure items in the bronze coffin. In this research I try to consider all different styles in Ziwiyeh complex and present more suitable dating which includes all styles and material culture. Proposed chronology expands from the end of Iron Age II to the Median period.

Abstract If we consider the starting of Achaemenian Empire in 559 BC, the year that Cyrus, the second, came to power and its ending in 332 BC, the year that Iran was conquered by Alexander, the Macedonian, in these 227 years of military and political development of Achaemenian empire, some of the nations and countries for example Egypt, within Achaemenian territory came under Iranian military, economic and political power which were known as Achaemenian settled Satrapies. Achaemenian Suez Canal was an important project in that a Nile-Suez canal is to facilitate contact by ship between the Mediterranean Sea or the Nile Valley (especially Lower Egypt) or both and the Red Sea and the points in the east more specifically, one or more of the northeast African coasts, (south) Arabia, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.
Saith King Darius: ‘I am a Persian. Setting out from Persia, I conquered Egypt. I ordered this canal dug from the river called the Nile that flows in Egypt, to the sea that begins in Persia. When the canal had been dug as I ordered, ships went from Egypt through this canal to Persia, even as I intended.’
There are some typical archaeological materials in Egypt that refer to Achaemenids: the inscriptions of Darius I in the banks of Suez Canal.

Abstract Most researchers believe that the Sassanid dead bodies were left in the open air to decompose, and then bones by animals and birds remaining in the troughs and niche was created in the rocks. The spaces created in the hard rock mountain ossuary called (Ostkhan Dan). Many of these Astvdans in the Persian mountains like Naqsh-e Rajab, on a hillside on the outskirts Zangiabadi mercy, have mercy on the mountain near the pool, on a platform on a hillside Gvndashlv, isolated on a rock near Naqsh-e Rostam, the great stone cut surface Tight hay near Sivand, in close Eghlid Abade and at the top of a castle overlooking the Bishapour were detected. The Astvadans were created within the rocky mountains or conglomerate layeres both permanently and temporarily (The Dakhmak) In this study, the number of Astvdanhay identified in the Persian Gulf which is comparable to the examples of Fars , were presented and their actual applicatiion will be discussed.  

Abstract The public bathhouses are included in buildings as public utilities that have been expanded throughout Islamic realm by arising Islamic religion that cleaning is the preamble for most of its rites. Unfortunately, from the beginning of Islamic period until 8th hegira century (15th AD century) no stable sample of public bathhouses remained in Iran, but many public bathhouses have still remained from Safavid and especially from Qajar era all over Iran. Qazvin is a city where there are a lot of public bathhouses. We may not know any remained bathhouses in this city as sample of pre-Safavid era and except for Ghomak and Moslem bathhouses, we could not find another name in ancient texts before this period. But, the Safavid sources have referred to construction of several bathhouses in this city during this period while those foreign tourists, who visited Qazvin in this period, implied numerous and beautiful public bathhouses in this city. Today, Boloor and Qajar bouthhouses have been resumed from Safavid era while both of them were were repaired and reconstructed and used as museums. Also during Qajar period, a great number of bathhouses were constructed in Qazvin. Adib-Al-Mamalek, a stateman of Qajar period, has mentioned 50 public bathhouses located in Qazvin City out of which 15 samples of them were among well- known baths. Haj Mir Hossein bathhouse is one of those famous bathese he referred to them. This bathhouse is also one of the oldest baths remained from Qajar Dynasty. This bath was repaired and reconstructed during recent years and it has been currently converted and used as museum and art and culture center.

Abstract In the course of selecting a route that lacks any archaeological artefacts and in order to construct an appropriate access path to Kangelo Fort in Savadkouh at Mazandaran Province, an activity was done in the form of sounding operation by considering as a test (trial) and it led to discovery of a rare grave with burial structure formed by Embryonic Method plus the related objects relating to the late Sassanid era as well as two graves from Islamic period. Sassanid grave differs from the usual type of burials at this period and from author’s viewpoint, in addition to signifying to duration of a very older tradition, it refers to emphasis of the ruling king of northern Iran on his preceding customs and its people. As we know, Zoroasterianism was the official religion during Sassanid Empire. This religion was followed by variation in religious rites while by virtue of text of “Letter of Tosar” (high priest during Ardashir, Sassanid King) as compiling the valid theological texte during Sassanids, the independent king of Gilan and Mazandaran rejected to accept this religion; one that was declared formally as the main religion throughout the Iranian Monarchical Realm. And also he accused Ardashir to heresy and heterodoxy to tradition (Zorosterian Orthodoxy). In this paper, we will introduce the aforesaid burial method and its findings rather than description of sounding operation.