Journal of Archaeological Studies

Research Paper

Investigation of the Cultural Changes of the Zarandeh Region from the Chalcolithic to Islamic Period

Hanan Bahrani pour; Mozhgan Khanmoradi

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 1-22

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2019.285834.142755

Abstract

(1-22) The Zarandieh county is located in north of Markazi province and northwest Central Plateau of Iran (Figure 1). The capital of the county is Mamuniyeh and this city is located ... Read More (1-22) The Zarandieh county is located in north of Markazi province and northwest Central Plateau of Iran (Figure 1). The capital of the county is Mamuniyeh and this city is located 80 km from Tehran and 30 km from Saveh. From archaeological point of view, this region is located between Central Zagros mountainous and Central Plateau of Iran. Despite of its proximity well known regions of Central Zagros mountainous and Central Plateau of Iran, it is archaeologically poorly known. Our information about the archaeology of Zarandieh region is restricted to Azem zadeh᾽s work in 1970s, who conducted 3 season archaeological survey in the Saveh and Zarandieh region. Then R. Rezalo conducted a systematic survey at Qhaznak Tape in 2001. Other archaeological activities include the sounding and excavation at Meshken Tape in 2007 and 2008 by Nouri shadmahani and M. Nemati and also excavation and systematic survey at Qhaznak Tape in 2007. In 2008, an archaeological survey conducted by Hanan Bahranipour mainly to identify the settlements pattern and recording of archaeological sites of Zarandieh region. The most important aim of the first season of archaeological survey was identification of the possible sites in this landscape, providing the archaeological map of the area and completing the previous archaeological survey. This project has been directed by intensive survey and also information gathered from local people to recognized and register ancient sites; the process of sampling the uncovered sites was then carried out by collecting typical finds which finally resulted in identification of ancient sites. Despite the number of known settlement sites, so far no systematic archaeological studies have been done on this period and the different aspects of these settlements are unknown. The one season of the survey and exploration resulted in the identification of 99 sites in Zarandieh region (Figure 3). Results from survey areas document a sequence of occupation from prehistory to the Late Islamic period. Among them, 19 sites belonged to prehistoric period (Figure 4), 6 sites (Figure 8) to historical period (Parthian and Sasanian periods) and 84 sites belonging to Islamic period (Figure 10). Islamic sites include big sites, mound, mosque, Imamzādeh, bridge, ice- house, caravansary, cistern, fortress, cemetery, bath, Pigeon tower and etc.The present study is based on two categories of historical and archaeological information which has provided new information about Zarandieh region. The study method included fieldwork and secondary research with a descriptive–analytical approach. Extent, spatial distribution of the sites and introduce different cultural periods of the Zharandieh region and their continuity and discontinuance was the other aims of this study. Geomorphological observations suggest that number of the sites has been located on natural hills (Figure 2). All prehistoric sites are located just near seasonal or perennial streams or rivers. According to the surface materials (such as pottery, lithic, tail, clay pipes (Tanpusheh) and so on) and architectural character or style the mentioned sites belonging to Chalcolithic era to the late Islamic period. Most of sites were being introduced for the first time. However, the some sites, including most notably Gobur qaleh Si, Qaleh garbi Varame and Qaleh shargi contain cultural remains from multiple occupations. We could not identify the Paleolithic and Neolithic episodes yet. But in 2007, Nemati discovered a Paleolithic open site. Zarandieh region divided in to two main zones of plain and mountains. This area contains sequential settlements beginning right from prehistoric period till the late Islamic period. The recorded sites and monuments mostly are located in Zarandieh plain and Kharaghan mountain foothill. Chalcolithic period trace is recognized in 8 sites. The ceramic assemblage of this period can be divided into two major groups: Buff Ware and red Ware; the former contains both plain and painted ceramic. These samples are comparable to ceramics obtained from sites in the Central Plateau and central Zagros such as Tape Sialk in the Kashan Plain, Godin tape in Kangavar plain, Tape Sagz Abad and Tape Ghabrestan in the Qazvin Plain, Tape Qelā Gap and Shat Ghilah in Malayer. In the Bronze period, number of the sites decrease and Tape Gaznak is the largest site in this period. The area of occupation is more than 20 Hectar. The presence of deformed pottery pots and furnace residue are the evidences of pottery production in this area. Also a very large ocher mine is located near this site. Evidence of metal slag has been found in this area. Based on this survey it seems that during historical period number of sites is rare and the number decreases. We identified no site of The Achaemenid and Seleucid period. We identified only 6 sites belong to Parthian and Sasanian periods. Parthian ceramics are varies from buff, orange to red type. A number of these ceramics have mostly impress, curved and raised decorations (Figure 9). Also these types of ceramics show the cultural relations with Qale’ Yazdgird, Khurhe, Parthian domain of Bisotun and Sang-e Shir Cemetery in Hamedan and etc. Most surveyed sites dated to the Islamic period, mainly middle and late Islamic period. In the Islamic period, the number increases drastically, reaching 84. It seems that in this period, the sites are located mostly in side plain. The sites including settlements, mosque, Imam zādeh, bridge, ice- house, caravansary, watering place, fortress, cemetery, bath, Pigeon tower and small and large mounded sites. In this period, the human settlements have been focused on the rivers and water resources for example Qanats. The Zarandieh region populated during the Islamic period and formed towns and villages in Zarandieh plain. The recorded sites mostly belong to Seljuk period and Ilkhanid era. One of the major cities of Iran, which was on the Silk Road, is Moshkoye located between Hamedan, Saveh and Rayy. Based on historical and archeological evidences (for example pottery and architecture) one site proposed as the probable location of the city which is Moshkin Tape in Zarandieh township. Moshkin Tape has been most important in regard to settlement patterns from 10 to 13 century A.D. The name of the city of Moshkoye appears in the books of authors such as Ibn Hawqal, Ibn ḵurdādbih, Ibn Rusta, Istakhri, Jayhani, Maghdasi and so on. In Islamic period, presence of ceramic tripods, plugs (stoppers) and deformed fragments attest to their local production at Moshkin Tape (Figure 11), Tape Abdollah Abad and Tape Shirin Chai. The ceramic types in Zarandieh region include the unglazed simple wares, molded wares, monochrome glaze, added motifs, wares, Sgraffiato, splashed glaze wares, lusterware. The distribution of the sites and their positions compare to the Rivers (Shirin Rood, Adramneh Chai, Rood Shur, and Maasum Rood) indicate that these rivers have played an important role for the populations who used to live in this geographical region during the prehistoric to Islamic times. The investigation is not now complete and the considerable amount of material and data and excavation of the major sites is currently being studied leading to full publication of the results. Inquiring into the features of the recognized sites, this article focuses on cultural periods and the nature of their settlement patterns. The results of the survey of Zarandieh County promise a clear outlook on the oncoming archaeological research projects depending on the pre- defined questions which certainly will be followed by brilliant consequences.

Research Paper

Identification of Perfumery Residues Contained in Glass Objects from Parthian to Early Islamic Period with Gas-Chromatography Coupled with Mass Spectroscopy

Nafiseh Hosseinian Yeganeh; Arman Shishegar; Seyed Mohammadamin Emami; Samad Nejad ebrahimi

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 23-40

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2019.271372.142653

Abstract

It has been a long time since aromatic plants and aromatic materials have been used in perfumery.Therefore, production of perfume flask had become noticeable among craftsmen and artists. ... Read More It has been a long time since aromatic plants and aromatic materials have been used in perfumery.Therefore, production of perfume flask had become noticeable among craftsmen and artists. The use of plants and other aromatic substances in perfumery has been possible by obtaining their essential oils. The production of perfumes are mainly derived from plants such as roses, cloves and saffron, incense and sandalwood and plant gums. Amber, musk and Azfar were also taken from some animals such as Gazelle and Amber fish. Perfume flasks are little containers made by a variety of different materials that have been shaped or embellished by standard technology and ornaments of their historical period. Glass has been one of the most favorite materials to make a perfume flask through the time. This research gives a brief overview of the history of perfumery, from the Achaemenid era to the first centuries of the Islamic era. Then it analyzes remained materials inside the five glass containers, which are considered to be perfume bottles, from the Parthian period to the first centuries of the Islamic era. These glass perfume bottles are kept in the Glassware and Ceramic Museum of Iran currently. This analysis has been done by Coupled gas chromatography with mass spectrometer in the gas chromatography laboratory of Research Institute of Medicinal Plants and Drugs, Shahid Beheshti University. The main composition which has been detected and identified are waxes, cholesterol, and natural fatty acids. Due to its sensitivity, speed, versatility, and ability to identify traces of compounds in a mixture, the GC-MS technique's application is a brilliant method for archaeological organic chemistry and can be applied to analyse any substance containing volatile organic compounds expected. In two samples of our collection, residual perfumes were extracted.For this test, the containers were first washed with n-hexane solvent and the solution was transferred into the sampling dishes for transfer to the laboratory. On the day of sampling, the objects were selected from the samples which were photographed. Then, through a Pasteur pipette, about 2 ml of n-hexane was placed in the dishes and the material was washed by rotating and the extract transferred into the pipette and prepared for the analysis by evaporating of hexane. It should be noted that n-hexane solvent has no destructive effect on the objects and because of its high volatility, immediately it will be disappeared completely and there is no trace of it in the container.Gas chromatography coupled with mass spectrometry (GC-MS) is a powerful tool for separation and identification of natural and chemical materials. In this method, after the initial preparation, the components of a mixture are injected into the device through a special syringe in the amount of half a microliter of the tested solution. The materials are separated based on the difference between the boiling point and interaction with the chromatographic column, will be entered into the Ionization Mass Spectrometry source, because of generating powerful electric and magnetic fields, the mixture’s components will be identified quantitatively and qualitatively based on their electrical charge to mass ratio (m/z). For this analysis, 1 to 3 mg of the sample was taken and 1 ml of KOH hydroalcoholic solution (potash alcohol) was added and then subjected to alkaline hydrolysis at 60 ° C for 3 hours. After hydrolysis, the neutral organic components were extracted with n-hexane. Then, according to the internal standard, injection of the solution was analyzed in GC-MS. It was then interpreted based on comparisons of components and reference materials with library items and mass spectrum. In order to identify the type of fatty acid compositions, GC-MS equipped with a DB-5 column with a length of 30 m and an inner diameter of 0.25 mm and a thin layer thickness of 0.25 μm was used. The oven temperature was increased from 60 °C to 250 °C at velocity of 5 °C/min and was kept at 250 °C for 10 minutes. Helium carrier gas with a flow rate of 1.1 ml/min was used and 70-eV electrons was used for ionization and a mass range was from 43 to 456 amu. In order to analyze the essential oil using gas chromatography coupled with mass spectrometry, the components were identified. The components and compounds were identified by the use of various parameters such as retention time (RT) and retention index (RI), study of mass spectrum and comparing the spectrum with standard compounds and basic data in the GC-MS database by Xcalibur Software. The relative percentage of each components of the essential oil was obtained according to the area under the curve in the GC. Based on the chromatogram table, the following results were obtained:Sample 1 (Table 1, Figure 1), the perfume flasks from the Arsacid era: the most important compounds identified in container No. 1 including the paraffin compounds, cholesterol (animal-based oils), vegetable oils, and fatty acids and waxes. Also, an important substance in the solution obtained from washing was flavonoid. It is a polyphenolic substance which is found in the extract obtained from the petals and pollen of plants. Sample 2 (Table 2, Figure 2), a semi-thin blue glass container, probably from the Arsacid era: the most important components identified include an essential oil, wax and fatty acid. Sample 3 (Table 3, Figure 3), a thin glass container probably from the Sassanid era: the most important compounds identified include fatty acids such as palmitic acid, stearic acid and linoleic acid. Such materials indicate that this container has been in contact with vegetable-base oils and 80% of the substances identified in this container are fatty acids. Sample 4 (Table 4, Figure 4), a semi-thin glass container from the first centuries of the Islamic period: there are only paraffin materials such as wax and beeswax and do not contain any fatty acids. The most important substance in this sample is natural linalool, which is classified as a perfume. Example 5 (Table 5, Figure 5), the perfume flask with base from the first centuries of the Islamic period: the most important compounds identified are plant-based fatty acids, paraffin compounds or waxes, and phthalate compounds.According to the tests performed in two case studies (samples No. 2 and 4), aromatic substances and essential oils are present in the identified compounds. It shows that natural perfumes and essential oils can actually stay in the glass and the adsorption of glass is very high for keep of such materials. Except for sample No. 4, other samples contain a variety of fatty acids and proved that such glasses were used as preservative objects. Wax can be seen in all samples. Fats have been identified in various forms such as cholesterol (animal base oil), palmitic acids (plant base fats) and paraffinic substances.

Research Paper

Discovering an Important Historical Truth: The Presence of the God Bahram in the Rock Relief of the Large Grotto of Taq-i Bustan

Iman Khosravi; Reza Mehrafarin; Seyyed Rasool Mousavi Haji

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 41-64

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2020.301912.142874

Abstract

The Sasanian rock reliefs reliefs has been repeatedly, seriously, expertly and completely studied by Iranian and non-Iranian archaeologists and researchers, however, there are remarkable ... Read More The Sasanian rock reliefs reliefs has been repeatedly, seriously, expertly and completely studied by Iranian and non-Iranian archaeologists and researchers, however, there are remarkable different point of views in expressing the historical content of some of the rock reliefs, especially the identification of some of the characters. The reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan known as Taq-i Bustan III (TB III) (Figures 1 and 2) are considered as the most controversial and challenging Sasanian rock relief, and the identity of its characters are not known with certainty and are still unclear. Some scholars attributed all of the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I. They believed that he wanted to show divine gifts given to him and his country. Some of the researchers and archaeologists attributed the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Khusrow Parviz. The other researchers and archaeologists known the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Ardashir III (For more studies see Mousavi Haji and Sarfaraz, 2017). By attributing all the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I, the authors of this article try to make clear the real identity of one of the characters present in the investiture relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. The character in question is situated at the right of the scene and to the left of Piruz I, and it appears he invested the royal ring to the Sassanid king (Figure 3). Although, most of the Iranian and non-Iranian scholars and archaeologists introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda, but according to historical sources, facial characteristics and symbol studies, the authors have no any doubt that he was the god Bahram, not the god Ahura Mazda. The most important aim of this article is to clarify the real identity of the character in question in the investiture scene of the Piruz I in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Except Nosratallah Bokhtortash (1998) and overlaet (2011) that attributed the character in question in the investiture scene of Sasanian king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Mobadan Mobad, other scholars such as Herzfeld (2002), Sheppard (2008), Ghirshman (1975), Vanden Berghe (1984), Meshkati (1970), Scratto (2004), Sami (2010), Shahbazi (1389), Canepa (2013), Haerinck (1999), Azarpay (2000), Hermann (1977), Schmidt (1970), Mackintosh (1978), Tanabe (2003) believed that the Sasanian king in the investiture relief of Large grotto of Taq-i Bustan receiving the royal ring from the great god Ahura Mazda. However, these scholars do not provide a clear and convincing reason in justifying their attribution, and they introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda just on the basis of the fact that the act of investing the royal ring as the symbol of Farrah is performed only from the great god, and therefore he should be the god Ahura Mazda. On the contrary, Bokhtortash and overlaet criticized the archaeologists and orientalists who attributed the character of the investor person as the god Ahura Mazda, and instead they mentioned that the god Ahura Mazda has not appearance and can’t be seen. On the basis of this fact they believed that the person who invested the royal ring in this relief is Mobadan Mobad and not the god Ahura Mazda. The results of this study which are basic research in the view of the purpose and historical research in the view of the method, clearly show that the character in this rock relief should be the god Bahram and not the god Ahura Mazda. To prove this claim, the first the physical appearance and iconography characteristics of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the Sasanian rock reliefs were studied. The results of the study show that the character in question in this article could not be the god Ahura Mazda because in all of the rock reliefs, the god Ahura Mazda wear crenellated crown that the hair appeared above it. But in the rock relief of the Taq-i Bustan, the character in question did not wear crenellated crown. So this character did not have the most characteristic of the god Ahura Mazda i.e. the crenellated crown. In addition, the dress, mantle and trouser of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan have complete differences with the clothes of the god Ahura Mazda. In none of the images, the god Ahura Mazda wear a long mantle that covers the ankle. Therefore, from the point of view of clothing, it is completely different from the images of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the other rock reliefs. The other important point is the beard of this person. The god Ahura Mazda has a folded and open beard in all of the rock reliefs, but this person has a ring at the end of his beard that gathers his beard and makes it like a triangular. This feature is not only unprecedented in any of the surviving images of the god Ahura Mazda, but only seen in the images of the kings. In addition, the trouser of the god Ahura Mazda are not placed in long boots in any of the rock reliefs. In the Park Museum of Taq-i Bustan twelve Sasanian capitals were exhibited which have been collected from different parts of Kermanshah province and transferred to this historical site to preserve (Moradi, 2004). On these capitals, the images of the Sasanian king, various vegetal motifs and the image of several Zoroastrian gods are depicted, which among the Zoroastrian gods, the god Bahram depicted more than the other gods. On one of the capitals, the god Bahram is depicted with a three quarter face and frontal body with big eyes, wavy face moustache and curly beard (Figure 10). He wears a helmet that covers his head and neck completely. On the bottom of the helmet and in the forehead position, a strip consisting of two rows of circular beads is wrapped around the helmet. On top of the helmet, the curly strands of the hair appear, which was wrapped with an ornamental ribbon. On his shoulders, there are big circular globes. He wears a tight, pearl-embroidered dress with a cloak that covers the chest and arms and is fastened at the front by a circular button. He puts his left hand on his chest and puts his thumbs and index fingers on top of each other, and with his right hand, he holds up the royal ring, which symbolizes the Farrah of God (Ibid.). It is interesting to know that in many cases the iconographic characteristics of the god Bahram in this capital are comparable to the physical characteristics of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Both characters wear the same helmet, from which curly strands of hair appeared and are adorned with a wavy ribbon. Both characters have necklaces adorned with two strings of pearls around their necks and both of them wear a cloak that fastened with a button on the front of their chests. Both characters have large eyes and are placed circular globes on their shoulders (compare the Figure 10 with Figure 2). In addition to the physical characteristics and iconographical sources, there are other credible and reliable reasons that testify to the correct attribution of the character discussed in this article as the god Bahram. The main reasons are: - Historical sources and religious texts emphasize the close relationship between the god Bahram and its relationship with water and rain. The presence of the god Bahram in this rock relief testifies the companionship and cooperation of this god and the water goddess Anahita in overcoming the drought of Piruz I. The cooperation of the god Bahram and the goddess Anahita is so unprecedented that it has found its way into literature and has remained in the minds in the following years. -The main function of the god Bahram is victory in war. Therefore, his connection with water and rain, as well as his victory in the war, is completely in line with the two prominent events of Piruz I, i.e. the war and the drought, and makes his presence necessary. - The most important characteristic of the crown of Piruz I is the two wings of the eagle which is opened and it is regarded as the symbol of the god Bahram and shows the interest and belief of Piruz I. Even the name of this king is in complete harmony with the meaning of victory –which is the main function of the god Bahram

Research Paper

A Review on the Early Iron Age in Central Zagros

Amir Saedmucheshi

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 65-90

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2020.300093.142861

Abstract

In this article, by analyzing the research activities conducted in the Central Zagros region in the Iron Age, the shortcomings, contradictions, questions and theories have been expressed, ... Read More In this article, by analyzing the research activities conducted in the Central Zagros region in the Iron Age, the shortcomings, contradictions, questions and theories have been expressed, and in addition to presenting the general framework of previous researches, they have been criticized and analyzed. For this purpose, past and current published activities as well as some unpublished reports have been considered. This can be useful in identifying future research priorities. The transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in the Central Zagros is largely unknown, and in archaeological excavations in this area, due to lack of accurate stratigraphic excavations, terms such as Iron Age I, II and III cannot be used for its different areas. Therefore, in this article, the general term of the Early Iron Age for Iron Age I and II is used.The Central Zagros region has long been interesting to archaeologists. The French geologist Jacques de Morgan visited the Luristan region in the 19th century and identified many sites. Ernst Herzfeld in the early years of the twentieth century surveyed many areas of the Zagros region and identified Tepe Giyan in the county of Nehavand. This site was later excavated by G. Contenau and R. Ghirshman. Stein conducted archaeological research in Luristan and excavated several Iron Age tombs in Hulailan and Badawar. Almost at the same time as Stein, the Holmes expedition was one of the teams that conducted archaeological studies in the Luristan region under Schmidt’s direction. In 1934 and 1935, he conducted archaeological surveys and excavations in Luristan, and in 1938, he excavated Surkh Dum for three weeks; this site is highly important for reasons such as being a settlement land and having hundreds of different objects. Sites such as Kamtarlan, Chigha Sabz and Surkh Dum were excavated during performing this research. A review of the research background conducted in the Central Zagros region indicates that the excavations were scattered and non-purposeful and at first, more attention was paid to objects. In the early studies of the Iron Age, there was no definite plan, and most of the information obtained was based on individual, and in some cases, incidental research. The lack of necessary standards in excavations has made the problem more complex. Some of the excavations were not fully published or were later conducted by others. These problems are observed in some sites such as Tang-i Hamamlan, Surkh Dum, Cheshmeh Mahi, Tepe Giyan, Khatun Ban, Jameh Shuran, Tepe Guran, Chigha Sabz, and Kamtarlan. The Iron Age in the Central Zagros is often based on studies conducted in the 1970s and 1980s. These researches started with scattered studies, and projects related to Luristan bronzes were revived. Attempts to identify bronze makers as well as their stylistics, and their geographical origin were among the reasons for focusing on Iron Age activities in the Central Zagros. Previous scattered studies were mostly based on the stylistics of objects. In the following decades, Luristan bronzes were strongly considered, and the research teams of the Danish in Hulailan, the British team in Delfan (Dilfan), and the Belgian delegation in Pusht-i Kuh (Ilam Province) conducted extensive studies in this field. In the 1970s and 1980s, during the Godin project, valuable surveys and excavations were conducted, based on which a purposeful approach on chronology, settlement patterns, comparison to the Bronze Age, and connections of the Central Zagros to other regions were considered. Nevertheless, problems, such as separation of Iron Age I and II phases from each other, involvement of theories in the north of the Central Plateau in the Central Zagros region, and uncertainty of the period of some pottery traditions like Elamite/Kassite goblets are among its shortcomings. It should also be noted that this study did not cover all parts of the Central Zagros. Clare Goff's research in the 1970s considerably contributed to the understanding of the Iron Age in the Luristan region. The excavations of Louis Vanden Berghe in Pusht-i Kuh led to excavation of 11 Early Iron Age cemeteries, which have been thoroughly investigated in the chronology of objects obtained from this area. The Danish excavation in Tepe Guran had a good sequence, but the speed of the excavation and the lack of phasing have somewhat reduced the quality of the work.The timing of the use of iron metal, either as a decoration or as a public tool in the Central Zagros, has not been precisely determined. Among the findings of Iron Age I, currently there is no conclusive evidence, and the beginning of this phase is based more on pottery changes. In the studies of this area, the emergence of gray Gray Ware as well as Kassite/Elamite pottery and the end of Godin III pottery tradition is regarded as the beginning of the Iron Age. Lack of gray pottery in all areas of the Central Zagros as an indicator, contradiction at the beginning of the Iron Age, existence of different traditions such as the difference between Pish-i Kuh and Pusht-i Kuh, and lack of separation of pottery from settlement sites with cemeteries are among the challenges of this phase. This complexity is intensified in Iron Age II, so that it is not presently possible to distinguish between this phase and the previous phase. Although pottery has been introduced as Iron Age II, firstly, these samples exhibit regional differences and secondly, their start, end or phasing time is unknown. Among the types of gray pottery, no distinction can be made between Iron Age I and II pottery. Based on surveys and excavations of cemeteries in this period, we encounter a decrease in settlement or a change in settlements, and our evidence from this period is more incomplete than that of the previous period. In general, , lack of a chronological framework for its various regions, scattered surveys, lack of standards in excavations, or long delays in the publication of reports, are among the problems in the Central Zagros region. Additionally, inadequate recording, different interpretations, lack of separation of the different phases of the Iron Age, imposing theories on data, paying attention to objects and neglecting details like architecture, and not paying sufficient attention to the findings of northern Mesopotamia are other problems. Furthermore, uncertainty of the beginning of the Iron Age in different parts of the Central Zagros, lack of detailed study of economic, technological and political changes from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, uncertainty of the impact of atmospheric factors on sites, ambiguity of the Central Zagros association with the Ilam civilization and lack of accurate excavation in areas covering all phases of this period are among the other problems. Moreover, insufficient knowledge of Luristan bronzes and unknown details such as manufacturers, production centers, accurate stylistics, and time of their production are other shortcomings of the Iron Age of the Central Zagros region. To start research activities in the Central Zagros region, considering these shortcomings, we need purposeful, long-term, question-based projects using interdisciplinary studies.

Research Paper

Preliminary study and Introduction of Achaemenid Coins Discovered from Assaluyeh Port (?) In Mazandaran Cultural Heritage Museum

Saman Soortiji; kamal aldin niknami; hayedeh khamseh

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 91-116

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2020.276508.142684

Abstract

This article is the result of theoretical and preliminary studies of 240 Shekel (Siglo) coins of the Achaemenid Empire. This valuable collection was obtained by the police of Mazandaran ... Read More This article is the result of theoretical and preliminary studies of 240 Shekel (Siglo) coins of the Achaemenid Empire. This valuable collection was obtained by the police of Mazandaran province in 2010 from antique smugglers in Amol city. Currently, these very diverse and valuable coins, which were discovered from a place in the south of Iran and near the port of Assaluyeh, are kept in the Museum in Sari city. Because documenting coins in museums was limited to basic recordings, we had the opportunity to document all the coins in the collection for library studies and comparisons. Documentary of coins was done by measuring, weighing, hand drawing, computer drawing, photography and scanning. After this stage, the main questions and objectives of research were posed. Preliminary studies and comparisons confirmed the attribution of coins to the Achaemenid period. Also, the initial results of the documentation, that's mean examining the details of the image of the coins, including the crown, clothes, weapons, body shape and face details, showed differences in their minting and made it possible to compare them with referable samples. Although in this study, some materials have been proposed to confirm the authenticity and dating and identify the time range of the studied coins, nevertheless, accurate determination of their authenticity and scientific chronology will be possible after more accurate experiments.Coins were invented as a result of the development of societies and the economic needs of human beings. The first coins were minted by the Lydia government. Cyrus the Great, recognized the need to use it, but Darius I minted gold and silver coins for the first time in Iran. The gold coins were called "Darik" and the silver coins were called "Shekel" ) Siglo (. Shekel is a silver coin weighing 5.60 grams. During the Achaemenid period, four types of coinage were minted: 1- Imperial coin 2- Satrap coinage 3- State coins with the image of the emperor 4- Local coins or non-Iranian lands that were under Persian rule. Imperial coinage have no writing; Therefore, their classification needs to be carefully studied and compared with similar samples. The collection studied (Shekel), are under the group of Achaemenid imperial coins. Since the preliminary studies of this collection were very necessary to introduce it to the scientific community, so an attempt was made to make a comparative study of the coins of the Mazandaran Museum with the most important coins found from the Achaemenid period. Coins were studied and documented by referring to reliable sources. In this regard, for comparative studies based on comparison, the characteristics of coins including the appearance of persons on the coin, decorative motifs, Type of clothing and individual symptoms, with similar cases were considered. This almost tedious process eventually led to the creation of a framework for classifying the coins in question. Since the method of documenting these coins in the museum was limited to the initial recordings, due to the importance of the subject, we had the opportunity to conduct detailed studies to address the main questions and objectives of this study. The comparisons made on the coins of this collection confirmed their authenticity and attribution to the Achaemenid period, and the work of documenting showed the difference in their minting.At first, all the study documents, including the history and economic system of the Achaemenid kings, as well as sources about their cultural works, such as reliefs and seals, were collected. The oxide-coated sample was then purged. The oxide layer was then removed from the surface of a number of coins. After this step, the weight of the coins was measured with a digital scale and their diameter and thickness were measured with a caliper. In the next step, the back and front of the coins were photographed with a digital camera and scanner, and then they were technically drawn manually with the help of a computer. If the coin shapes were not obvious due to wear and tear, clear images were created with the help of Photoshop and inverter software for more accurate design. (Figure‌1). These coins are very simple and the main focus is on the image of the king. The king is armed with a bow, spear or dagger in these coins. With the exception of rare cases, there are depressions on the back of the coins. Sometimes signs and symbols are engraved on the back and on the coins (Figure 8).Achaemenid coins, while simple and similar, have a great variety. Different sources have dealt with their different types and forms as much as possible, but considering that a number of coins in the collection of the Mazandaran Museum in the city of Sari did not have known and completely similar examples, Therefore, they were studied, separated and compared with samples that had the least details in common. From the studies and comparisons made with the samples of other Achaemenid coins, results were obtained that created suitable grounds for identifying and classifying the coins of the Mazandaran Museum. Summary table attached, Comparison of Achaemenid coins of the collection with other coins discovered (Table 1). According to this research, 240 coins belonging to Achaemenid kings have been identified. Recognition of the amount and purity of coins, which is a good criterion for determining the authenticity of coins, was not tested in this study, but the weight of coins, which is usually the standard for mints, was tested. The weight of coins of Mazandaran collection is determined with an average of about 5.60 grams, which is the standard weight of Achaemenid coins. The results of studies have shown that among this collection, there are coins that are similar to known examples. Also, there are coins that do not have similar patterns. This study provided an opportunity to examine the details of the image of coins and compare them with other samples, to classify them and attribute them to one of the kings who owned the coin. shekel coins have a great variety in terms of the image. In other words, the coin of a king has been in different details, which has created different types. The reason for this diversity may have been the existence of multiple mints or the lack of oversight of coin makers. A number of these different species have been identified and introduced in the study collection in Mazandaran Museum One of the reasons for the value of the silver coins studied is that they are a collection. This collection, as a time capsule, introduces a time range with a specific beginning and end. In total, the coins of the seven kings have been identified from the coin-owning kings in this period. In this collection, from Darius I, which basically has three species, one species (Figure 8), from Xerxes, which has two different species, one species (Figure 11), from Artaxerxes I (Figure 14), Darius II (Figure 16) and Young Cyrus, one species (Figure 18), from Artaxerxes II, three species (Figure 22, 23, 24) and in Finally, two types of coins have been identified from Artaxerxes III (Figure 25, 26). According to the information obtained, the period of the study complex was related to the years 522 to 338 BC, which covers about 184 years of the Achaemenid Empire.

Research Paper

A Critical Review Towards the Mithraic Function of the So-Called Mihr-Temple at Maraghe

Behrooz Omrani; Amin Moradi

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 117-138

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2020.298298.142853

Abstract

By selecting northwestern Iran as the early capital of Ilkhanid dynasty, Mongol rulers governed this area for about one century; this would have been the official route of administration ... Read More By selecting northwestern Iran as the early capital of Ilkhanid dynasty, Mongol rulers governed this area for about one century; this would have been the official route of administration and communication between Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, northeastern China, and Iran. Although the period of 1256-1335 is seen as the era of cultural interventions from Mongolia and Inner Mongolia into the northwestern Iran (Moradi and Omrani 2020), the architectural influences during Mongols' dominion has been less considered by the scholars. In this way, recent archaeological developments related to these regions have begun to shed new lights on recognizing spatial relations and the applications of Ilkhanid sites in northwestern Iran (Moradi and Omrani, 2019). In the outskirts of Maraghe lies the site of an underground structure known as the Mithraeum also the Imamzade Masum. This building has occupied archaeologists some of whom suggested that the architecture of this monument served as a Mithraeum and/or monasteries imported by the pre-Islamic dynasties in Iran (Shekari Niri, 2006). From an architectural point of view, this monument has three accessible areas: a main space surrounded by four domed chambers; a four-domed hall with a pillar in its center and a set of three long chambers some one hundred meters away. A parallelogram-shaped opening with a rough semi-circular roof and a single step of masonry blocks crosses into the central chamber. On the south of the main chamber is a large square-roofed alcove. The alcove leads to a little cavity that contains two niches. A second access to the largest domed room leads through an opening on the southern end of the east wall of the chamber via a passageway. The domed chamber has a remarkably well-preserved ceiling faceted in the Ilkhanid stylistic style. Each fact is a square or triangle and only one facet has any decoration left on it. It sounds that the calligraphic artwork of the rectangular hall was left incomplete and possibly brought to an abrupt halt (Azad, 2010). According to the gross fabric of the pillar hall which is made owing to a precipitate process of carving in compare with the other sections, it could be concluded that this part has been added during the recent renovations of this structure (Moradi and Omrani, 2019: 90). By highlighting the word "Butkhana" (i.e. a place of Buddha or idols) in the primary sources, other scholars believe that here could be marked as a Buddhism Temple (Azad, 2010). Varjavand's studies were among the prior investigations about these units. According to his conclusion and without any sufficient documentations, this underground complexes date back to a period belonging to the prehistoric settlements, reused as a Mithraeum during historic era and renovated as a religious complex with the application of mosque and convent during the Islamic ages (Varjavan 1972). It is argued that Mongol conquest of Iran indeed has an architectural legacy; it also sets the models of elite architecture of the steppe which were particularly relevant to the religious architecture, carried on during the early phases of Mongol triumphs. According to the results, the combination of a corridor leading to one or more chambers is not entirely random in the so-called Mihr Temple of Maraghe but also shares an exact assimilation of those in Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, and northeastern China (Moradi and Omrani, 2020). Using analytical expository study of the architectural evidences from Mongolia, Inner Mongolia and northeastern China, this paper is aimed to categorize the identity of similar structures in northwestern Iran as the same imported architectural heritage from these areas. It is well documented that Mongols′ monarchy in the thirteen and fourteenth centuries fostered the direct exchange of ideas and practices between diverse cultures and religions. Scholars have evaluated the damage and the benefits brought by the Mongols to the Islamic world in military, religion, politics, economy, and culture fields (Bayani, 191: 87). It cannot be said that the Mongols, who lived in clans under hereditary leadership at the beginning of the twelfth century, were prepared for controlling the enormous territory that they had conquered. Nevertheless, the Mongols succeeded in creating a novel administrative system; they maintained some of the practices of the people of the steppes such as sharing out-of-subject people among the members of the imperial family, adding the elements of Chinese administrative practice. They also used the experience of Turco-Mongols who were integrated into the empire such as the Uighurs who ruled Mongolia and the Khitan who governed northern China (Lingley, 2014). The arrival of the Mongols in northwestern Iran in the 13th century transformed the Islamic provinces of northwestern Iran into a political, religious, and cultural region between Islam and Mongolian homeland traditions. The impact of this settlement of Turko-Mongols should be considered when discussing architectural motivation to create the so-called Mihrt Temple of Maraghe. Undoubtedly, the funeral architecture in accordance with early Mongolian customs was inevitable to cover funeral prospects of Mongol's elites and aristocratic families. Focusing our attention on the funeral architecture of Mongolian and Inner Mongolian traditions and comparing these underground architectures with Iranian specimens in "Maraghe", "Nir", and "Azar Shar" provinces in northwestern Iran, this short essay will try to categorize the so-called Mihr Temple of Maraghe as the same funeral units of Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, and northeastern China. According to the results and by comparing the architectural forms between Northwest Iran, Mongolia, Inner Mongolia and Northern China, not only there is no difference between plans and design, but also a same language of architecture has been repeated in both regions. According to the results, three type of tomb constructing method could be considered in an area including Inner Mongolia, Mongolia and Northeast China; one including a passageway end up with an antechamber and main chamber room which is mainly formed the structure of the tombs in Northeast China like tomb of Xu Xianxiu (Figure 9) and those in Bashon. Second is a corridor in connection with two successive domed chambers in Northeast most point of Inner Mongolia in Kogoryo's tombs which should be considered as the point where single chambers and multi chamber tombs overlapped; and the third: including a corridor, antechambers, main chamber and two bilateral rooms containing horse bones, warfare and ceramics. Although scholars cannot securely identify the origin of the design of Northwest Iran underground architecture, but from this point of view, Maraghe’s underground architecture might be a tomb in accordance with the architectural projects of Mongolian’s tomb like those in Huatehua, Abaoji's tomb, Shoroon Bumbagar tomb (Figure 10), tomb of Shoroon Dov barrow (Figure. 11), tomb of Xiao Yi, Tangut's royal tomb and tomb of Mme Yi; while Abazar’s tomb will follow the plan of tombs in Kogoryo and Azar Shahr’s tomb will be an exact copy of those in Northeast China. (Figure. 15) Since Mongol invasions of Iran (1256) is the most common reason of this transition before the time that Ghazan started a new architectural movement towards funeral architecture by establishing his complex known as Ghazaniyya (1320); Northwest Iran’s tomb most belong to the period between mid-13th to the early 14th centuries.

Research Paper

Formation, Development and Evolutions in Metallurgy of Copper and its Alloys during the Prehistoric Period of Iran: From Copper Usage to Evidences of Brass

Omid Oudbashi

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 139-166

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2019.248585.142512

Abstract

The Iranian Plateau and its residents can be enumerated as one of the pioneers in progress of technology, science and knowledge in the ancient world. The development of metallurgy on ... Read More The Iranian Plateau and its residents can be enumerated as one of the pioneers in progress of technology, science and knowledge in the ancient world. The development of metallurgy on the Iranian Plateau has been a topic of interest to both archaeologists and scientists for many years because of the remarkable history of the metallurgical activities in this region and concerned the wide variety of the technologies, compositions, innovations, etc. (Figure 1). Results of many investigations in metallurgy of ancient Iranian Plateau show usage of copper and its alloys in different periods of Iran history from prehistoric to Islamic era. In this paper, formation, evolutions and developments occurred in metallurgy of copper alloys have reviewed and in prehistoric period of Iran (7000-500 BC) based on archaeological and archaeometallurgical investigations. The results of analytical and archaeological studies state the first metal used in prehistory of Iranian Plateau has been copper. It is apparent that the Iranian Plateau has a significant history in the metallurgy of copper and its alloys in the prehistoric period. It has begun in the Neolithic period and during 4000 years has transformed from forming objects by hammering native copper to extensive smelting of oxidic and sulphidic ores in Chalcolithic era. The ancient metalworkers used native copper to manufacture small decorative objects, as it was observed in Ali Kosh Neolithic site (Figure 2). It was developed by shaping native copper to produce small functional objects such as objects discovered from late Neolithic sites (Figure 2). It was continued by melting native copper to cast objects. Furthermore, metallurgical processes were extended by smelting copper oxidic ores in crucibles during 5th and 4th millennium BC. In fact, the chalcolithic period (ca. 4500-3000 BC) is the period of emergence and development of smelting of oxidic and then sulphidic copper ores in small scale. There are numerous evidences of copper smelting in the chalcolithic archaeological sites such as Qabristan, Tal-i Iblis, etc. showing the crucible smelting technology in different regions of the Iranian Plateau (Figure 3). This technology was developed by large-scale smelting of copper ores, as it was discovered in Arisman, near Kashan. Of course, the metallurgical technologies during the late chalcolithic period (ca. 3500-3000 BC), is a mixture of crucible smelting and furnace smelting (Figure 4). It is worth noting that the main metallic composition in the Chalcolithic period is arsenical copper that may has been produced accidentally by smelting As-bearing copper ores leading to obtain metallic copper with significant amounts of arsenic (Figure 5). Nevertheless, some evidences of intentional arsenical copper production have been found during late Chalcolithic and early Bronze Age archaeological sites, such as Arisman. The third millennium BC was occurred with occurrence of a new alloy, tin bronze. Early evidences of this technology was observed in western Iran, Luristan at the beginning of the third millennium BC. Some tin bronze objects with significant amounts of tin were detected among copper and arsenical copper objects discovered from Early Bronze Age graveyards such as Kalleh Nisar and Bani Surmeh (Figure 6). Although, early evidences of tin bronze metallurgy have been occurred in the third millennium BC but this technology was limited for about 1000 years in western and south-western Iran. Results of analytical studies revealed that the main copper base metallurgy has been copper and arsenical copper in other regions of the Iranian Plateau during the third millennium BC. Tin bronze was emerged in central Iran during the middle and late Bronze Age (ca. 2500-1500 BC) such as evidences from Malyan (Fars). Therefore, no evidence of tin bronze has been observed in eastern Iran, even at the mid of the second millennium BC. Although tin bronze was occurred during the early Bronze Age and was spread during middle and late Bronze Age in western and central Iran, but it was the main copper-based alloy during the Iron Age of the Iranian Plateau (ca. 1500-550 BC). Results of analytical investigations states that tin bronze has been the main material in production of metallic objects at the whole of the Iranian Plateau. The ritual objects from Iron Age graveyards of western, northern and central Iran show application of tin bronze to produce these objects. The large scale tin bronze production is the Iron Age of Iran is an interesting aspect, as this alloy has been observed in different archaeological sites such as Hasanlu and Marlik (Figure 7). One of the important collections form this category are the Luristan Bronzes, the enigmatic and extraordinary metallic objects that were produced in high-quality craftsmanship and were placed in graves and sanctuaries as ritual objects (Figure 8). The results of chemical analysis on the Luristan Bronzes, as well as other tin bronze objects from Iran, shows that thy may have been produced by uncontrolled alloying methods. In fact, controlling tin content has not been an important case for ancient metalworkers during the Iron Age (and also the Bronze Age). Also, no correlation between tin content and object’s typology is visible in the tin bronze objects from prehistoric Iran, that is in contrast with accent cuneiform texts from Mesopotamia. It may show that tin bronze metallurgy in the Iranian Plateau may has not been in connection with the Mesopotamian technology. Although, evidences of copper-zinc objects have been observed among the other copper based artefacts from second and first millennium BC, but it can’t be stated that this material has been used as a deliberately produced metallurgical product. It is more probable that these limited examples of copper-zinc objects (probably brass) were produced by smelting Zn-bearing copper ores. Nevertheless, evidences of low-zinc objects from Tappeh Yahya (southern Iran) and Luristan shows occurrence of early brasses (probable accidentally) during the prehistoric Iran. Results of numerous analytical studies on the prehistoric copper base metallurgy during the last decades revealed interesting aspects of this technology from about 8000 BC. It has been started by using native copper and then developed by smelting oxidic and sulphidic copper in crucibles during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. Large scale smelting sites also were occurred during the late chalcolithic and early Bronze Age. Furthermore, application of different copper alloys such as arsenical copper, tin bronze and brass from Chalcolithic to Iron Age are important developments in archaeometallurgy in Iran. Totally, process of formation and development of copper metallurgy in prehistoric Iran has been introduced and revised based on technical and archaeological finds belonging a period about 6500 years (Figure 9).

Research Paper

Studying, Identification and Position of the Beardless Person in the Ardashir Babakan's Reliefs

Hamzeh Ghobadi Zadeh; Ali Asghar Selahshur; Younes Yousef Vand

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 167-188

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2021.270894.142650

Abstract

A clean-shaven person behind the king is shown in the four Ardashir Babakan's reliefs in Firuzabad, Naghsh-e Rostam, and Naghsh-e Rajab. The various approaches have been suggested about ... Read More A clean-shaven person behind the king is shown in the four Ardashir Babakan's reliefs in Firuzabad, Naghsh-e Rostam, and Naghsh-e Rajab. The various approaches have been suggested about this person's identity, mentioned with various names and titles such as fly-whisk bearer eunuch, the servant or bodyguard of the king. The comparison of this type of iconography with those of the same preceding examples the Sasanid state in Iran during the Achaemenid and Assyrian periods shows that the shaving of the face is one of the common traditions among high-ranking clerics, which is most likely continued the later periods and especially, the Sasanid. Also, there is the possibility of belonging mentioned person to person other than the royal family based on the analysis of some of the available emblems and historical narratives. The present study is based on historical and archaeological information, which has provided new information about a clean-shaven person behind the king, shown in the four Ardashir Babakan's reliefs in Firuzabad, Naghsh-e Rostam, and Naghsh-e Rajab. This paper examines the beardless person's figure in the Ardashir I's reliefs and similar examples in the archaeological evidence such as reliefs, seals, and historical narratives. Furthermore, we are trying to determine the identification and probable position of this person. The most critical questions in this research are the following: 1- What is the identification of the beardless person in the Ardashir Babakan's reliefs? 2- What is the position of the beardless person in the Ardashir Babakan's reliefs? Most researchers have used the titles such as whisk-bearer, eunuch, servants, or bodyguards of the king. Lukonin has described this person as the Karen dynasty representative and attributed the carved emblem on his kolāh to this dynasty (Lukonin, 2005: 309). Ghirshman identifies him as a Sasanid nobleman (Ghirshman, 2011: 125), and Hinz describes him as bitaxš of Ardashir (Hinz2006: 276). By studying Sasanid riders' descent in the relief of warrior's war in Firuzabad, Kalani considers this person as the representative of the Soren family by a special emblem on his kolāh (Kalani, 2017a: 90; Kalani, 2017b: 204). Mousavi Haji and Sarfaraz believe that this person has been a servant and bodyguard of the king (Mousavi Haji and Sarfaraz, 2017: 72). The presence of beardless persons (or clean-shaven?) has a long history among the civilizations of the Ancient Near East; for example, we can see the examples of these people in different periods, such as Assyrian and Achaemenid ones, and in the Sasanid period, on the reliefs and seals later. Specimens of beardless persons are seen in ancient Near East works such as the Achaemenid and Assyrian periods (Figure 1, 2, 3, 4). A tradition that seems to have lasted until the Sasanid period, like Kerdīr (Figure 12). He reached such a very high position in the Sasanids' political structure that Narseh mentioned his name in the inscription of "Paikuli" among his noblemen and loyalists. Also, a person without a beard is seen in Ardashir I's reliefs in Fars. We can quickly identify these people as servants. Indeed, holding a device such as fly-whisk (?) not only did not create a disturb and disorder in their task, but also they could reach a position that everywhere are portrayed behind the king, and their Specimens are visible in the reliefs of the Assyrian, Achaemenid, and Sasanid (including Kerdīr). It seems the person who has been portrayed without a beard in all of Ardashir I's reliefs in Fars is enjoying such a position (Figure 7, 8, 9, 10, 11). Regarding all of Ardashir Babakan's reliefs, this beardless person is portrayed with a diadem and royal ribbons, so he cannot be one of the Sasanid kingdom people. We should search for his identity among non-royal family members. Among the courtiers of Ardashir are only Tansar and Abarsam, that different narratives exist about these two persons, especially in the Islamic sources are mentioned about their high position among the clerics. Tansar has not been mentioned in any sources contemporary with the Sasanid. Abarsam is mentioned in the inscriptions of the Shāpūr I's Ka'ba-i Zardusht among the Ardashir's courtiers, not as the clergy or Ardashir's vizier, but as one of the courtiers in the fifteenth row of this inscription. Regarding this person in the relief of Ardashir's war with Ardawan IV and Ardashir's investiture from Ahura Mazda, he has been both the high political and the first rank of the clergy society. According to Ibn Balkhi's version about Ardashir's vizier called Nansar, some scholars consider Tansar and Abarsam one person. He is named as "Mobad-e Mobadan" in epic texts, such as Karname-ye Ardahsir, and mentioned in the Shahnameh Ferdowsi with various titles, such as "Dastūr", vizier, "Mobad" and "Kadkhodā or Kadiwar (alderman)". The likeness of this person with the great Sasanian cleric is that like Kerdīr carrying the sword in the reliefs of Sarāb-e Bahrām and Sarmashhad, this person also, in addition to fighting on the battlefield of Tangab-e Firuzabad with the Parthian rival, in other Ardashir's reliefs carries a sword indicating this person has had a strong political influence, in addition to the high ranking clergy, as well as Kerdīr. This is a crucial point in rejecting the approaches of those who regard this person as a simple servant or a eunuch holding a fly-whisk behind the king's head. Is it reasonable a servant who is only his duty to hold a fly-whisk (?) behind the king's head carrying the weapon with his own? On the other hand, the carved emblem on his kolāh shows his descent and ancestry. Emblems related to the family of essential persons were carved on their kolāh, not a servant whose duty was only holding fly-whisk (?). Regarding the courtiers of Ardashir, Abarsam is the only person who has received the honorific title, "Ardashir's Farr" or Ardashir glory has been named in many sources as the senior clergy and grand vizier, so it seems has had a very high position. If we accept the view of the scholars that Parthian's adversary of the beardless person in the third scene of the relief of the warrior's war is the king of Ahwaz, or according to Henning, Ardawan V Elymais, probably can be more trusted in Tabari's version about the encounter king of Ahvaz with Abarsam who has attacked to the Ardashir Khorra in the absence of Ardashir, and should be considered the third scene of Firuzabad I's relief related to this battle and battle scene between the king of Ahwaz and Abarsam (Figure 7, 8). Probably a person portrayed without a beard in all of Ardashir's reliefs is Abarsam, who had both a very high political position because of his numerous services to Ardashir, and senior clergy of the Sasanid period appeared with this portrait and figure in the reliefs according to the tradition of shaving face among the clerics.

Research Paper

Analysis of the Mortar of Early Islamic Era on Tomb Towers and Castles of Eastern Mazandaran by XRD Method

shahin mahyar; Bahman Firuzmandy Shirehjini; Hayedeh Khamseh

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 189-209

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2019.269379.142641

Abstract

After the political collapse of the Sassanid Empire, a kind of national resistance against the Arabs came into being. Tabaristan was one of those areas that the invading tribes did ... Read More After the political collapse of the Sassanid Empire, a kind of national resistance against the Arabs came into being. Tabaristan was one of those areas that the invading tribes did not have a good chance of reaching due to its special geographical location. Inscriptions in the Pahlavi language indicates that until the fourth century AH in some areas of Tabaristan, this language was trusted and can be a sign of a cultural resistance of the people of this land against the Arab invasion. According to this, The hypothesis of this research is that the study of mortar of the remaining buildings related to the early Islamic period and its comparison with the Sassanid period mortar can show the evolution of the mortar structure up to several centuries after the collapse of the previous system of government. The selection of Mazandaran as the spatial territory of this research is for the existence of three tomb towers (Figure1,2) that were built in the fourth century AH and have two common elements, which are the structure of brick and mortar with Kufic and Pahlavi inscriptions. Apart from these towers which are located in the east of present-day Mazandaran, there are many castles (Table2) in these areas that a comparative study of their mortar structure can be helpful in achieving the goal of this research. The purpose of this study is to find the answer to the question whether after the fall of the Sassanid Empire and the disruption of the long-standing political order of Iran, there has been a change in the technology of mortar production and how long and in which parts of Iran this can be done. We assume that the land of Tabaristan, as mentioned before, can be a good place to seek this technical transformation. The laboratory method selected for the study is called XRD analysis method. In the case of mortars and mineral powders, the XRD method is a reliable method. The XRD method is also effective for different granulations, as all the minerals in the mortar show an X-ray scattering pattern that is easily detectable in phase detection software. If you need quantitative analysis of mortar, you should use complementary methods of elemental analysis such as "SEM" or even XRF method, which is not the purpose of this study; This is because the same quantitative standard was not used to make mortar in different geographical areas, and only the method of construction was the same over time, which changed over time, depending on the needs of the architects. The hardening of the mortar and its adhesiveness depend on the reabsorption of the initial crystallization water of the raw mortar. Therefore, the use of any organic matter, whether plant material, or food additives such as egg white or egg yolk, etc., has no effect on the chemical structure of the mortar and does not help it to harden and stick. As a result, the use of organic matter detection methods such as "Chromatography", UV and IR spectroscopy, etc. will not be effective in this study. According to the analysis (Table3), it can be said that in general, the mortar of all three tomb towers, like most Sassanid structures, is a mortar of gypsum. Among the mortar samples of the studied castles in East Mazandaran (Table4), the predominant phase with the composition of "gypsum" has been identified only in the samples of "Hammam Kojoor Castle", "Varazan Noor Castle" and "Kanglo Castle". Also in all the samples in which the "gypsum" composition forms the leading phase, we encounter the "dolomite" or "calcite" phase together with the "quartz" phases with different crystal shapes, which are reminiscent of the same structure of Sassanid mortars. Copper-based sulfur compounds from natural copper ores and Aluminum silicate compounds in some samples are also due to natural impurities in the raw ore. Due to the phase diagrams and the number of phase adaptations, it is not possible to confirm the manual addition of sand or clay to the gypsum mortar in these samples. The results of XRD studies by the author on samples of raw gypsum (Table5), clay and sand stones (Table6) indicate that at least throughout the Sassanid era, the predominant mortar used in the construction of castles, palaces and Fire temples was gypsum mortar, which according to special heating conditions, the composition of calcite remains in the mortar and this has caused the stability of this mortar. But due to the fall of the empire, still in the early Islamic period, we see the use of the same gypsum mortar in the eastern regions of Mazandaran. Considering the date of construction of Sassanid tombs and castles such as "Kanglo Castle", and the similarity of mortar composition of all these samples, it can be concluded that the method of processing, heating and baking gypsum has not changed from the Sassanid period to at least 400 years later in Mazandaran. It seems that the structure of the mortar, in order to reach the next more resistant mortars, goes through a transitional period, the evidence of which can be found in the mortar used in the three tombs of the fourth century AH in East Mazandaran.

Research Paper

Study of the Evolution of Finny Tower Tombs in Islamic Architecture: the Case Study of Azhar Tower of Dargazin, Iran

Reza Nazari arshad; Hassan Karimian

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 211-234

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2019.290416.142790

Abstract

Architecture is among the important branches of art and civilization and architectural structures, beside their practical uses, have also served as the ground for the emergence of different ... Read More Architecture is among the important branches of art and civilization and architectural structures, beside their practical uses, have also served as the ground for the emergence of different arts and as indications of the grand status and glories of their founders. Among the various branches of architecture, tomb structures and funeral monuments have long played significant roles in culture, civilization and society of Iran and also have occupied an essential place in the history of our architecture. Therefore, beside the mosques, shrines have been the most popular public buildings in Iran and have entered the cultural tissues of Iranian life and society. A large portion of the evolution of architecture in Islamic era can be traced in the holy shrines and tombs. The formation, identity and being of these buildings are often closely connected with great local, national, political and religious leaders and characters. Thee architectural monuments also deserve scholarly studies in terms of their artistic, social, historical, cultural and religious aspects. Caring for shrines and building them is related to belief in hereafter, desire for immortality and love of followers and lovers of the deceased persons. Building of such places which come under various names such as “burial place”, “shrine”, “sanctuary”, “sanctum”, “receptacle”, “tomb”, “sepulcher”, “tower”, “imamzadeh”, etc. roughly began in 4th century A H. and became then more prevalent is eastern and northern Iran through the practice and believes of various sects and dynasties. The process became especially popular during the Shite dynasties such as Alavids (250-360 A H), and Buwayhids (320-447 A. H.) whose political power and rule helped the building of such places, shrines and tombs more than ever. In the Islamic societies of middle centuries, shrines found a very high stature among the masses and ordinary religious people. Interestingly, building shrines for great religious and social leaders has been more passionately pursued in Iran than in other Islamic countries so that, Ernst Diez, the Austrian art historian, “such buildings are the most popular and prevalent in Islamic Iran.” In fact, it was for the grand status and importance of such places that the first major undertaking that kings did after succession, was erecting graves and shrines for themselves and their fathers and relatives so as to be redeemed by God and gain an everlasting fame and name. Regarding their shape and format, sepulchers are basically divided into two forms: tower tombs and non-tower (rectangles tombs). A large portion of the shrines in Islamic era are tower tombs which have different shapes such as circular, multisided and finny, and also have common features such as a tall outside tower, and in them, emphasis is on the altitude not the extent of the building. Although some scholars have tried to work out a justification for the birth and building of tower tombs, none has ever come up with an all-satisfying evidence for the formation of such building along with the Islamic traditions governing them. In Hamadan province, Iran, there are some tower tombs from different Islamic eras, such as Ghorban Tower, Baba Hossein Tower in Malayer, Hayaquq Tower Tomb, etc. in the present study, we have undertaken to introduce one such tower tomb and describe its architectural and archeological characteristics; that is “Azhar Tower” that is located at the Dargazin section of Razan city, Hamadan Province. The city is situated at the north of Hamadan province and has many historical and cultural works belonging to different historical epochs, mostly Islamic era. The tower tomb with finny shape ,also called AzharImamzadeh, is one of the works from the Islamic era, but has not so far been comprehensively studied and there exists still many ambiguities about its history and being. The present study, thus, aims at considering the structural features of this building, its decorative elements, architectural innovations, and finding about the identity of the person buried under it. It also intends to consider this tomb as one of the few tower tombs with a finny shape and a star-like base for the tower, and comparing it with similar buildings in order to trace the mutual influences exchanged between it and similar forms both before and after its date. The research methodology applied for this purpose is an archeological case studythrough a descriptive-analytic study alongside using written sources such as historical and geographical documents and travelogues. The main questions posed by the project are: 1- in which historical age was the Azghar Tower built and with which similar architectural works can it be compared? 2- What are the innovations, and the architectural and decorative elements of the Tower? 3- Regarding the great importance of the Dargazin region in different historical eras, especially in middle Islamic epochs and the great sociopolitical people that have emerged in this region, what can be known about the identity of the person buried in there? The final results of the study show that the Azhar Tower Tomb dates back to the first half of the eighth century A. H. when the Ilkhanate (654-750 A H). Also, as the last tower shrine with a finny design in the history of Iranian Islamic architecture, it had been built based on the architectural and decorative forms dominant in the Ilkhanate age, and had been affected by some tower tombs in the central and northern parts of Iran, particularly, Imamzadeh Abdullah, and Ubayd Allah of Damavand, and the Bastam Tower. It is also most probable that the Azhar Tower was built for the burial of one of the outstanding man of the Dargazin region, named Sheik Sharaf-o-AldinDargazini.

Research Paper

Cultural Interactions of Prehistoric Societies of Central Iranian plateau with Residents of Central Zagros, Fars and Southwestern of Iran during the Fifth Millennium BC

Parisa Nekouei; Rouhollah Yousefi Zoshk

Volume 13, Issue 1 , July 2021, Pages 235-258

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2020.289501.142829

Abstract

The Iranian plateau is considered as one of the main founding columns of cultural transformation during the sixth, fifth and fourth millennia BC. Archaeological evidances such as the ... Read More The Iranian plateau is considered as one of the main founding columns of cultural transformation during the sixth, fifth and fourth millennia BC. Archaeological evidances such as the pottery tradition is almost the best example of cultural interactions of this region with the other communities of northwest, central Zagros, Fars and southwestern Iran during in the last quarter of fifth millennium BC. This article focuses on analyzing the intra- and inter-regional relations of Second half of the fifth millennium BC in this Cultural zones according to pottery assemblages. In order to understand the level of social and cultural complexity in the different parts of Iran, the authors have explored how these pottery traditions came into discussed in in the plain of Varamin and Qom to the east, Kurdistan and Zanjan provinces and the eastern plains of central Zagros to the west(Figure.1). From 5500 BC onward, the central Iranian plateau is considered the trade road during the first half of fifth millennium BC links the central Zagros with the sources, but tangable cultural contact with more population movement appeared during the last quarter of fifth millennium BC in Godin VII period. Given the existing archaeological data, Qazvin plain always played a crossroad of cultures and could therefore be regarded as part of the broader framework of cultural and social interaction and relationship. In the late fifth millennium BC, archaeological evidences such as “Plum Ware” indicators of such cultural and economic interaction. "Plum Ware” assemblages have been obtained in an area extending from Varamin plain in the east of central Iranian plateau to Tepe Ghabristan, Tepe Shizar, Tepe Ismail Abad in Qazvin plain, Tepe Ozbaki and Tepe Gazarsang in the west, and Tepe Soha chai, Tepe Karvansara, Tepe Qeshlaq, Tal 11 Talvar, and Tepe Kalnan in the northwestern part of the Central Iranian Plateau, which indicates a relatively widespread distribution of this type of pottery. (Figure.2.3).In the Qomroud region, both Bakun potteries of the Fars province were found with the typical Sialk II and III1-3 (Transitional and Early Chalcolithic period) ceramics this obviously reveals true connection between the society of Fars and central plateau during the fifth millennium BC. The fine painted black on buff pottery vessels of Tepe Qomrud are unknown in terms of shape and role in the central plateau of Iran and are apparently similar to those in southwestern and southern Iran and especially in Susiana plain (Alizadeh, 2008) and Bakun, Rahmatabad and Tal-Gap sites (Azizi et al, 2012) whose origins most probably go back to those areas. These pottery vessels generally have a geometrical shape with broad strips, ladder designs and successive triangles, often filled with Dot Motif designs (Figure.4). Also, evidence of ancient copper works at Tepe Zagheh represent smelting process during the first half of fifth millennium BC at site and for the Early Chalcolithic/Sialk III1-3 period evidence of larger scale of copper production such as slags, crucible in areas such as Tepe Ozbaki, Tepe Cheshmeh Ali and copper workshop in Tepe Ghabristan indicates how small workshop centers changed into the industrial section in the later period (Matthews & Fazeli Nashli, 2004). This, together with findings related to metalwork in Tepe Qeshlaq, Tepe Kalnan, Tepe Karvansara, and Tepe Soha Chai cycle of highland producer and consumers during the fifth millennium BC. Current evidence, particularly the proximity and accessibility of copper resources in Qazvin plain and the high areas of the western margins of the Central Iranian Plateau and the presence of casting tools, objects and molds in most “Plum Ware”-bearing settlements such as Tepe Ghabristan, Maral Tepe Ozbaki, Tepe Godin, Tepe Qeshlaq and Tepe Karvansara, which undeniably help confirm the copper production process in these areas and plum / Godin VII people's specialization in metalwork, reinforces the hypothesis that a group of desentary or pastoral communities scattered along the central plateau to the northern and central regions of Zagros had interactions in the late fifth millennium BC and were specialized in the production and processing of copper objects. Some excavated sites such as Tepe Karvansara and Seh Gabi in the central Zagros represent direct evidence of copper production within the domestic spaces. Therefore, exchange of commodities and trade of copper is a good example, led to cultural integration between the fifth millennium BC communities of central Zagros and central plateau. Moreover, Tepe Qomrud was a key area for trade of copper in the fifth millennium BC and, like other chalcolithic sites in the central Iranian plateau such as Tepe Cheshmeh Ali, Tepe Ghabristan, Tepe Shizar, and Ismail Abad has been obtained important evidence of metalwork processes from archaeological excavations of Tepe Qomrud (Kaboli, 2015) which are clear indications of copper related activities in this area. In recent paper published by Vidale (Vidale et al 2018) technological centralization/standardization and specialization of ceramic and copper production was seen as the main characteristics of central plateau commonalities during the fifth millennium BC., With caution of cultural/historical approaches it seems“Plume Ware” is parts of techno/cultural innovations of late fifth millennium BC in central Zagros and diffused to the north central plateau of Iran. More or less, we know that such ceramic tradition is visible in some north central plateau settlements c.4200 BC while based on the current data this tradition was started in Godin VII period more or less around at the same time sphere. We observe that if the origins of “Plume Ware” back to central Zagros, then by the movement of population this tradition made progress within many settlements in central plateau in less than few generations. This study reveals that the similarity “Plum Ware” with Dalma and Godin VII tradition and also similarity “painted buff pottery of Qomrud with Fars and southwest sites, reinforcing the theory of the existence of cultural interactions between these regions. We assume that although cultures in the Iranian plateau have shared mechanisms of social complexities but, each region has to be examined its own cultural biomass. The need for strategic commodities such as copper and status goods during the fifth millennium BC led to cultural communication and interactions among the mentioned societies. This paper attempts to provide a new insight into the extent of cultural interactions in the Iranian plateau during the fifth millennium.

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Volume & Issue: Volume 13, Issue 1 - Serial Number 25, July 2021, Pages 1-260

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