Keywords = Northwestern Iran
Number of Articles: 6
Absolute Chronology of Ahranjan tepe and a New Perspective on the Late Neolithic of Northwestern Iran

Absolute Chronology of Ahranjan tepe and a New Perspective on the Late Neolithic of Northwestern Iran

Volume 18, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 33-61

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2026.402003.143375

Afrasiab Garavand, Mahnaz Sharifi, Fatemeh Malekpur

Abstract Abstract
Ahranjan Tepe is a prehistoric mound located in the Salmas Plain of northwestern Iran, in West Azerbaijan Province. The presence of a ten-meter-deep Late Neolithic deposit suggests that the site functioned as a principal regional center during the Late Neolithic period (Hasanlu X horizon). Excavations were undertaken to investigate the cultural conditions of northwestern Iran during this time span. Following the Late Neolithic occupation, Ahranjan appears to have been abandoned. This paper examines the cultural relationships between the Salmas Plain and neighboring regions through a detailed presentation of the site’s stratigraphy, burial practices, ovens, architectural remains, and associated small finds. Radiocarbon dates, in conjunction with relative chronological analysis and excavation results, indicate cultural connections between Ahranjan and sites such as Hajji Firuz Tepe and Jarmo in Mesopotamia. The article further aims to clarify the cultural sequence of the mound and to address the question of whether the site contains evidence of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN), or whether occupation began only during the Pottery Neolithic period. The research results include the discovery of mass human burials within residential spaces and the identification of distinctive thermal oven pits, which appear to be unique and have not been reported at other sites.
Keywords: Northwestern Iran, Lake Urmia Basin, Late Neolithic, Group Burial.
 
1. Introduction
The cultural materials of Ahranjan have close similarities, especially with Jarmo on the one hand, and also with other contemporary sites, including Hajji Firuz and Yanik Tepe in the Lake Urmia basin on the other. However, despite some similarities, it has fundamental differences with Hajji Firuz, despite the fact that all Neolithic sites are on the same horizon as each other, but they also have structural differences. With regard to the cultural materials of Ahranjan, it must be acknowledged that this site does not fit into the framework of the Hajji Firuz culture that was introduced earlier and has more different characteristics than Hajji Firuz and other sites on the same horizon and has its own cultural characteristics. The archaeological excavation of Ahranjan Tepe was carried out with the aim of updating and accurately explaining the cultural sequence of the Neolithic period in the Lake Urmia basin, explaining the phases and settlement layers, examining pottery kilns, burial methods, presenting relative and absolute chronology, and also providing documentary evidence of the presence of a late Neolithic culture that is different from other cultures of the same horizon.
 
2. Archaeological Background
In the Archaeological literature, Northwest Iran is primarily famed for the plains of the Lake Urmia Basin. The sphere of influence of the region’s culture, however, spreads over a much vaster zone. In the northern Basin, excavations at the Neolithic site of Tepe Hajji Firuz have yielded ceramics paralleling the material from the Early Hassuna sites such as Umm Dabaghiyah (Voigt 1983: 101). Dalma-type pottery has occurred at Tepe Sivan (Solecki 1973), Hajji Firuz (Voigt 1983: 80) and Pisdeli. The University of Pennsylvania Museum’s long-lasting Hasanlu Project, started in 1956 under the general direction of Robert H. Dyson, is the most significant work in this basin (Dyson 1969). On the other hand, work in the northeastern basin of the lake began in 1960 by Charles Burney at Yanik Tepe, furnishing important results, among them the identification of the Trans-Caucasian culture’s infiltration into northwest Iran (Burney 1961, 1964). Excavations at Yanik Tepe revealed a sequence spanning the Neolithic (Hasanlu Period X or Hajji Firuz Period), i.e. sixth millennium B.C.E., to the second half of the first millennium B.C.E. 
 
3. Work Procedure
Ahranjan Tepe has an area measuring 25 x 52 meters, equivalent to 1300 square meters, which is located in a north-south direction, 4.5 meters above the surrounding land. It is necessary to explain that the archaeological layers and deposits of the Tepe were 10 meters thick. Prior to the excavation, a topographic map of the mound was made. The excavation followed a locus and feature approach. Some nine phases were documented on the whole. In the course of the excavation, burials, architectural remains, and a pit were recovered, a brief outline of which follows.
 
4. Discussion
In summary, in this article, we set out to describe the cultural materials of the late Neolithic period in the region. Based on the results of the cultural materials of Ahranjan, the excavation of Ahranjan provided valuable information about the late Neolithic. With regard to absolute chronology and the date of 6940 ± 50 BP, Tepe Ahranjan is on the same horizon as Tepe Hajji Firuz. This excavation yielded thermal structures, human burials, and architectural remains, which to some extent clarified the cultural situation of the New Neolithic of Salmas-Northwest. Regarding human burials, it should be stated that the differences in burial styles go back to the religious beliefs of Neolithic societies, especially since the Neolithic society was highly religious, so the burials of Ahranjan were also carried out in line with religious matters. Neolithic human burials, often found within architectural contexts, have been reported at most Neolithic sites. The pottery of Ahranjan is also comparable to that of Hajji Firuz, however, it has some differences and similarities, and the most important difference between Ahranjan and Hajji Firuz pottery is that the type of painted pottery is rarely found in Ahranjan and is more similar to earlier vessels. Other important findings include large, tub-shaped thermal structures that have been identified in various dimensions and phases. This tradition is specific to the Lake Urmia basin. These structures, which are on average 45 to 60 cm deep, have an orange mud wall 3 cm thick, whose inner surface has been blackened by heat. Their contents consist of a thick accumulation of ash and fine charcoal particles.
 
5. Conclusion
In the late Neolithic period, known as Hasanlu X, the Urmia Lake basin was not uninhabited and was introduced by the Haji Firuz culture, although there are brief reports on other sites, including Yanik Tepe. However, the research at Ahranjan is considered a turning point in the Neolithic of the Northwest because we are faced with new, but different, information and knowledge. This information is about the type of burials, the remains of thermal kilns, pottery making techniques, and structures related to pottery firing. Ahranjan was a large and important site that had relations with Jarmo because Ahranjan is a wider part of the late Neolithic area. Ahranjan Tepe, 10 meters high, is located in the Salmas Plain and, considering that it includes a thick deposit of the Late Neolithic period, is considered one of the key points of the northwestern areas of Iran, so it is important to address it and provides useful information from this period. Ahranjan Tepe is the most significant and largest prehistoric site (2.6 hectares) northwest of Lake Urmia, located in the fertile Salmas Plain; this cultural area is located at the communication distance that connects the Iranian Plateau and the Lake Urmia basin to the South Caucasus region on one side and to eastern Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia on the other. In this article, we have examined the cultural tradition of the late Neolithic and tried to provide a clear understanding of the cultural situation of the important Neolithic period in the northwest basin of Lake Urmia by providing detailed excavation and study of cultural materials. One of the problems of archaeology in the northwest basin is the lack of sufficient information about the late Neolithic period, so new research can be a new information in the studies of the Northwest Neolithic period.

Analysis of the Chalcolithic period of the Moghan plain based on archaeological data from Yatag Tepesi

Analysis of the Chalcolithic period of the Moghan plain based on archaeological data from Yatag Tepesi

Volume 17, Issue 1, June 2025, Pages 79-104

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2021.319501.142989

Ali Karimikiya, Reza Rezaloo, Akbar Abedi, Ardeshir Javanmardzade

Abstract Abstract
The Aras River and other waterways in the Moghan region have played a significant role in the development of prehistoric settlements. Despite this, the Moghan Plain has received relatively little archaeological attention compared to the extensive scientific investigations conducted in the Urmia Lake Basin. One exception is the Yatag Tepesi site in Germi, which has been the subject of systematic research. The primary aim of this article is to introduce the pottery traditions of the region and establish a chronological framework for the study area. To facilitate a more detailed understanding of cultural interactions with neighboring regions during the Chalcolithic period, the study poses the following research questions: based on the analysis of cultural materials, particularly ceramic assemblages, to which cultural period(s) can the study area be attributed? Furthermore, what cultural and geographical connections can be identified between the site of Yatag Tepesi and the surrounding region based on the archaeological evidence? The findings suggest that during the Chalcolithic period, the region exhibited strong cultural ties with other parts of northwestern Iran, particularly the Qarehdagh region, the Urmia Lake Basin, and the South Caucasus. The research employs fieldwork-based methods combined with a descriptive-analytical approach. The distinct characteristics of the ceramics and other cultural materials indicate significant cultural linkages with northwestern Iran. Chronologically, the site is dated to approximately 4500–3700/3600 BCE, underscoring its importance in constructing the broader cultural-historical framework of the region.
Keywords:  Yatag Tepesi, Moghan Plain, Germi, Chalcolithic period, Northwestern Iran.
 
1. Introduction
Due to its suitable conditions and special location, northwestern Iran has a sequence of settlements dating from prehistory to the Islamic period. This region of the Iranian plateau has long had an important place in prehistoric studies of Iran due to its proximity to cultural areas such as the South Caucasus, Anatolia, the Zagros, Mesopotamia and the Central Plateau of Iran. The Moghan Plain is located in northwestern Iran, west of the Caspian Sea and north of Ardabil province (northeastern Azerbaijan) and differs from other parts of Azerbaijan in terms of its geographical features. Yatag Tepesi is located nearest to Barzand Ghalasi, along the historical road “Gafgaz Yolu” in the Garmi district of Moghan (Figure 1). This fort is located in the middle of Barzand valley on the west bank of the Barzand Chai at an altitude of 493 meters above the sea level. The main purpose of this article is to introduce the traditions of pottery and to determine its chronological sequence in the study area. To facilitate a more detailed investigation of cultural interactions with neighboring regions and to establish a chronological framework for the studied geographical area during the Chalcolithic period, the following questions are posed. First, based on the analysis of cultural materials, particularly the ceramic assemblages from Yatag Tepesi, to which cultural period(s) can the site be attributed? The main hypothesis in this regard is that the site is related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) and Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) periods. Second, according to the archeological data obtained at the site of Yatag Tepesi, with which geographical areas does the site have more cultural connections? Studies show cultural connections and commonalities with other regions of northwestern Iran, especially with the Qaradagh region and the Lake Urmia basin, as well as the South Caucasus. The present study was conducted both through fieldwork and using a descriptive-analytical approach.
 
2. Discussion
Archaeological trenches at Barzand Ghalasi were done with the aim of determining the area and extent of the central citadel and its surroundings. A total of 11 test trenches were excavated on the hill known as Yatag Tepesi. Based on archaeological data obtained from Trench G, two cultural periods were observed. The second period is based on cultural data (potsherds, flint and obsidian tools (Table: 5), mortar and pestle (Figure: 5) and bone tools (Figure: 6) related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) (Figure 2) (Table: 1) and the Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) (Figure 3) (Table: 2) periods. According to preliminary studies, no data have been obtained from Yatag Tepesi related to the Early Chalcolithic period (Dalma culture). The most important archaeological data that can be dated to this period are ceramics. All the obtained pottery is handmade and the surface of the pottery is normally smooth and polished. Vessel forms vary, including shallow bowls, large bowls, storage containers and large cauldrons (open mouth utensils) and glasses / drinking bowls. Among the pottery, no type of painted pottery was found and from the last locus, a unique piece of pottery was found that belongs to the bottom of the pot / vat (Figure: 4), which has a diameter of 31 cm. According to anthropological evidence, open mouth containers are more compatible with containers dedicated to the storage of dry materials and given the availability of this type of utensils, it is possible that the people living at Yatag Tepesi in the Chalcolithic period relied on agricultural products. It is also possible that the presence of stone tools such as mortars and pestles could be related to agricultural activities, although the presence of animal bones and their residues, as well as the figurine of a cow may also confirm the existence of livestock.
 
3. Conclusion
Based on the excavation, two cultural periods have been identified at Yatag Tepesi, the second period of which is related to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) and the Late Chalcolithic (LC2 3) periods. All pottery is handmade and the surface of the pottery is normally smooth and polished. Vessels come in a variety of forms, including open-mouthed and narrow-mouthed, and most of the pottery obtained is of the open-mouthed type. Based on the faunal record, as well as a clay figurine that probably depicts a bovid, tools such as pestles, mortars and similar tools, we can ascribe the locus of excavation as a residential area. Additionally, the presence of straw impressions throughout all excavated layers down to the virgin soil suggests that the site may have functioned as a seasonal pastoral settlement. The cultural remains of the area belong to the Middle Chalcolithic / Pisdeli / LC 1 and Late Chalcolithic / LC 2-3 and chaff faced pottery. This period (Middle and Late Chalcolithic) is generally referred to in northwestern Iran as Hasanlu VIII. In absolute chronological terms, according to radiocarbon samples from the two sites of Dava Goz III and Kul Tepe VII and via relative chronological corroboration with other prehistoric sites belonging to the same period, the site likely dates to 4500-4200 BCE.

Ritual Practices in the Kura-Araxes Culture: Hearths and Figurines as Markers of Religious Identity

Ritual Practices in the Kura-Araxes Culture: Hearths and Figurines as Markers of Religious Identity

Volume 16, Issue 2, Summer 2024, Pages 229-267

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2025.387728.143323

Bohlool Khani, Akbar Abedi, Nasir Eskandari, Ghader Ebrahimi

Abstract The investigation and characterization of the Kura-Araxes culture is a key focus of archaeological research in this field. One of the enigmatic aspects of the Kura-Araxes culture is the role of religion, rituals, and associated ritual evidence among its people. This aspect holds particular significance not due to its spiritual or supernatural dimensions, but rather because of the limited, scarce, and largely unknown nature of the cultural evidence. Archaeological findings related to this facet of Kura-Araxes culture, such as figurines, hearths, and possibly architectural elements, have been uncovered across the entire expanse of this culture’s territory, from northwest Iran to eastern Anatolia and the South Caucasus. One of the primary objectives of this research is to explore the social identity and ritual beliefs of Kura-Araxes communities, and to identify the symbols, elements, and religious signs of the Kura-Araxes culture. This investigation is based on a combination of library-documentary studies and first-hand archaeological data from excavations in Iran and the broader Kura-Araxes cultural sphere. This research also aims to address the following questions and uncertainties: What insights do archaeological evidence and documents provide regarding the ritual-religious beliefs of Kura-Araxes communities? Additionally, what are the key differences and similarities in the religious beliefs of Kura-Araxes communities across Iran, the Caucasus, and other regions within the Kura-Araxes cultural sphere? More broadly, can we definitively discuss belief systems, religion, rituals, and associated sacred spaces in relation to these communities? The forthcoming study will focus on answering these questions and addressing the stated objectives to clarify some of these ambiguities. The results indicate that while the Kura-Araxes culture and its people did not have dedicated religious spaces or distinct places for their rituals (based on current findings and evidence), it is important to consider two factors: first, the temporal span (3500–2400/2500 BCE) and the continuity of this culture; and second, the contemporary cultures, such as Uruk, which were characterized by established religious practices. Additionally, religious and ritual practices were prevalent among Bronze Age cultures. Therefore, it is unlikely that the Kura-Araxes communities were devoid of religion and rituals. However, rather than a sedentary and fixed culture, if we accept the hypothesis of the Kura-Araxes culture being semi-nomadic pastoral, then their ritual artifacts, such as figurines and hearths, were likely small and portable. Consequently, these artifacts reveal traces of their ritual beliefs, allowing us to consider ritualistic characteristics as part of this culture.

The Sham Valley and the Question of the Ilkhanids’ Religious Leniency in Northwest Iran (Jolfa)

The Sham Valley and the Question of the Ilkhanids’ Religious Leniency in Northwest Iran (Jolfa)

Volume 16, Issue 1, Winter 2024, Pages 1-23

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2021.323475.143018

Soraya َAfshari, Liliy Niakan, Behrooz Omrani, Mohammad Mortezayi

Abstract Archaeological inquiries into the Islamic period show both in quantity and quality that targeted and wide-ranging studies aiming to identify the pertinent monuments and sites have obvious limitations, and for this very reason our understanding of this time period is mainly limited to the information deriving from textual evidence. Accordingly, with the aim of identifying and studying the Ilkhanid sites on the banks of the Aras, a season of reconnaissance survey was carried out in 2019. Focusing on the Sham Valley region of Jolfa County on the border of the two Iranian provinces of East and West Azerbaijans, the fieldwork recorded 53 monuments and sites (Afshari,2019). Given the region’s strategic, geopolitical position in the vicinity of such regions of Caucasia, Turkey and Central Asia as well as its obvious location on major regional lines of communication, several different cultures flourished there spanning in date the second millennium BC to the latest periods. In other words, the foremost factor responsible for the formation of settlements was the region’s location on trade routes and its easy intra- and extra-regional communications, especially during the Ilkhanid period, which played a conspicuous part in the cultural evolution of the Sham Valley. Concurrently, given the region’s religious importance under the Ilkhanid rulers which echoes their religious clemency as part of their foreign policies, revealing data were obtained regarding the local social and religious structures in different periods, especially the era in question. In other words, the correspondence between the field survey’s findings and the historical texts make it clear that the Ilkhanids’s lack of religious prejudice, termed as religious toleration, was an upshot of a series of apparent and latent factors, which in general stemmed from the political orientations they adopted towards religious convictions (Morgan,2004؛ Torkamani Azar,1992 ). Recruitment of Christian females in the court (Bayani, 2011), employing Christian advisors and agents, maintaining contacts with Christian businessmen, missionaries and priests, and the particular attentions paid to the affairs of the Christian populations in Iran were all driven by the prerequisites underpinning their internal and external relations as it is evidenced by the fact that the changes in such relationships in the later Ilkhanid period would be associated with changes in the religious approaches due to political developments

Absolute (14C AMS) and Relative Chronologies of Barveh Tepe in the Upper Lesser Zab Basin and a Study of Painted Bronze Age Ceramics(Based on the Second Season Excavation)

Absolute (14C AMS) and Relative Chronologies of Barveh Tepe in the Upper Lesser Zab Basin and a Study of Painted Bronze Age Ceramics(Based on the Second Season Excavation)

Volume 15, Issue 2, December 2023, Pages 133-153

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2024.360950.143217

Mahnaz Sharifi, Barbara Helwing

Abstract Excavations in Tepe Barveh were conducted with the aim to shed further light on the period of painted Bronze Age wares and to refine the existing chronology for the Lesser Zab Basin in the first half of the 3rd millennium BC. Thanks to its location in the upper valley of the Lesser Zab, the Barveh region served as a natural pathway for interaction between the Zagros foothills zones with the Rania and Peshdar Plain in Sulaimaniyah province in Iraqi Kurdistan, and the southern basin of Lake Urmia. By its overlapping Bronze Age sequence, the site offers a strong potential to fill the existing gap of information for the Early Bronze Age occupation in northwestern Iran. A foremost purpose of this paper is to situate Barveh within northwestern Iran, and to explore intra- and inter-regional interactions. The stratified occurrence of Painted Orange Ware (POW) is helpful to establish a sequence for the region and to fill the existing lacuna. EBA sites in northwestern Iran beyond the Kura Araxes zone remain understudied, and few sites offer deposits of considerable depth. The Early Bronze Age is generally associated with the burnished black pottery, while the orange pottery, a coeval and equally important cultural hallmark, has attracted less attention and remains a little known tradition. Hence, in light of the material culture excavated at Barveh, this paper seeks to gain an insight into the ways in which Tepe Barveh interacted with other regions dominated by the orange pottery culture. The ca. 8-meter deep EBA deposit at Barveh built up over c. 300 years and represents this period of POW in an uninterrupted sequence, attesting to cultural continuity over an extended period of time. The culture shows parallels with EBA sites in the southern Urmia Lake Basin and in the Rania and Peshdar plains in Iraqi Kurdistan

Gird-i Ashoan during the Late Chalcolithic, Based on the Second Season of Excavation in Northwestern Iran

Gird-i Ashoan during the Late Chalcolithic, Based on the Second Season of Excavation in Northwestern Iran

Volume 14, Issue 2, Summer 2022, Pages 87-110

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2022.322632.143011

Mahnaz Sharifi

Abstract Excavations at Gird-i Ashoan, an archaeological mound in Piranshahr County in the Lower Zab Basin, have provided remarkable insights into the cultural traditions of the region during the Late Chalcolithic. Whilst reflecting some indigenous peculiarities, its material culture exhibits broad affinities with Northwestern Iran, the Caucasus, and Anatolia. This evinces the spread of the Late Chalcolithic (LC) cultures, especially LC2‒3, over vast territories, which could imply either population movements or the spread of a certain pastoralist subsistence system. The central stimulus was favorable climatic conditions, presumably a significant reduction in cold that fostered a climate almost similar to present conditions. Building on the finds from Gird-i Ashoan, the present paper addresses the reasons for the chaff-faced pottery’s extension over a wide geographic area from the Caucasus to Mesopotamia, northern Syria and northwestern Iran. Excavations at the site brought to light a Late Chalcolithic settlement of an unprecedentedly substantial range, consisting of about 8 m of continuous deposits. The pottery assemblages from the site include chaff-faced ware and Painted Pisdeli ware, suggesting that the site’s strongest interactions were with the Caucasus, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia