Keywords = Late Neolithic
Number of Articles: 5
Absolute Chronology of Ahranjan tepe and a New Perspective on the Late Neolithic of Northwestern Iran

Absolute Chronology of Ahranjan tepe and a New Perspective on the Late Neolithic of Northwestern Iran

Volume 18, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 33-61

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2026.402003.143375

Afrasiab Garavand, Mahnaz Sharifi, Fatemeh Malekpur

Abstract Abstract
Ahranjan Tepe is a prehistoric mound located in the Salmas Plain of northwestern Iran, in West Azerbaijan Province. The presence of a ten-meter-deep Late Neolithic deposit suggests that the site functioned as a principal regional center during the Late Neolithic period (Hasanlu X horizon). Excavations were undertaken to investigate the cultural conditions of northwestern Iran during this time span. Following the Late Neolithic occupation, Ahranjan appears to have been abandoned. This paper examines the cultural relationships between the Salmas Plain and neighboring regions through a detailed presentation of the site’s stratigraphy, burial practices, ovens, architectural remains, and associated small finds. Radiocarbon dates, in conjunction with relative chronological analysis and excavation results, indicate cultural connections between Ahranjan and sites such as Hajji Firuz Tepe and Jarmo in Mesopotamia. The article further aims to clarify the cultural sequence of the mound and to address the question of whether the site contains evidence of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN), or whether occupation began only during the Pottery Neolithic period. The research results include the discovery of mass human burials within residential spaces and the identification of distinctive thermal oven pits, which appear to be unique and have not been reported at other sites.
Keywords: Northwestern Iran, Lake Urmia Basin, Late Neolithic, Group Burial.
 
1. Introduction
The cultural materials of Ahranjan have close similarities, especially with Jarmo on the one hand, and also with other contemporary sites, including Hajji Firuz and Yanik Tepe in the Lake Urmia basin on the other. However, despite some similarities, it has fundamental differences with Hajji Firuz, despite the fact that all Neolithic sites are on the same horizon as each other, but they also have structural differences. With regard to the cultural materials of Ahranjan, it must be acknowledged that this site does not fit into the framework of the Hajji Firuz culture that was introduced earlier and has more different characteristics than Hajji Firuz and other sites on the same horizon and has its own cultural characteristics. The archaeological excavation of Ahranjan Tepe was carried out with the aim of updating and accurately explaining the cultural sequence of the Neolithic period in the Lake Urmia basin, explaining the phases and settlement layers, examining pottery kilns, burial methods, presenting relative and absolute chronology, and also providing documentary evidence of the presence of a late Neolithic culture that is different from other cultures of the same horizon.
 
2. Archaeological Background
In the Archaeological literature, Northwest Iran is primarily famed for the plains of the Lake Urmia Basin. The sphere of influence of the region’s culture, however, spreads over a much vaster zone. In the northern Basin, excavations at the Neolithic site of Tepe Hajji Firuz have yielded ceramics paralleling the material from the Early Hassuna sites such as Umm Dabaghiyah (Voigt 1983: 101). Dalma-type pottery has occurred at Tepe Sivan (Solecki 1973), Hajji Firuz (Voigt 1983: 80) and Pisdeli. The University of Pennsylvania Museum’s long-lasting Hasanlu Project, started in 1956 under the general direction of Robert H. Dyson, is the most significant work in this basin (Dyson 1969). On the other hand, work in the northeastern basin of the lake began in 1960 by Charles Burney at Yanik Tepe, furnishing important results, among them the identification of the Trans-Caucasian culture’s infiltration into northwest Iran (Burney 1961, 1964). Excavations at Yanik Tepe revealed a sequence spanning the Neolithic (Hasanlu Period X or Hajji Firuz Period), i.e. sixth millennium B.C.E., to the second half of the first millennium B.C.E. 
 
3. Work Procedure
Ahranjan Tepe has an area measuring 25 x 52 meters, equivalent to 1300 square meters, which is located in a north-south direction, 4.5 meters above the surrounding land. It is necessary to explain that the archaeological layers and deposits of the Tepe were 10 meters thick. Prior to the excavation, a topographic map of the mound was made. The excavation followed a locus and feature approach. Some nine phases were documented on the whole. In the course of the excavation, burials, architectural remains, and a pit were recovered, a brief outline of which follows.
 
4. Discussion
In summary, in this article, we set out to describe the cultural materials of the late Neolithic period in the region. Based on the results of the cultural materials of Ahranjan, the excavation of Ahranjan provided valuable information about the late Neolithic. With regard to absolute chronology and the date of 6940 ± 50 BP, Tepe Ahranjan is on the same horizon as Tepe Hajji Firuz. This excavation yielded thermal structures, human burials, and architectural remains, which to some extent clarified the cultural situation of the New Neolithic of Salmas-Northwest. Regarding human burials, it should be stated that the differences in burial styles go back to the religious beliefs of Neolithic societies, especially since the Neolithic society was highly religious, so the burials of Ahranjan were also carried out in line with religious matters. Neolithic human burials, often found within architectural contexts, have been reported at most Neolithic sites. The pottery of Ahranjan is also comparable to that of Hajji Firuz, however, it has some differences and similarities, and the most important difference between Ahranjan and Hajji Firuz pottery is that the type of painted pottery is rarely found in Ahranjan and is more similar to earlier vessels. Other important findings include large, tub-shaped thermal structures that have been identified in various dimensions and phases. This tradition is specific to the Lake Urmia basin. These structures, which are on average 45 to 60 cm deep, have an orange mud wall 3 cm thick, whose inner surface has been blackened by heat. Their contents consist of a thick accumulation of ash and fine charcoal particles.
 
5. Conclusion
In the late Neolithic period, known as Hasanlu X, the Urmia Lake basin was not uninhabited and was introduced by the Haji Firuz culture, although there are brief reports on other sites, including Yanik Tepe. However, the research at Ahranjan is considered a turning point in the Neolithic of the Northwest because we are faced with new, but different, information and knowledge. This information is about the type of burials, the remains of thermal kilns, pottery making techniques, and structures related to pottery firing. Ahranjan was a large and important site that had relations with Jarmo because Ahranjan is a wider part of the late Neolithic area. Ahranjan Tepe, 10 meters high, is located in the Salmas Plain and, considering that it includes a thick deposit of the Late Neolithic period, is considered one of the key points of the northwestern areas of Iran, so it is important to address it and provides useful information from this period. Ahranjan Tepe is the most significant and largest prehistoric site (2.6 hectares) northwest of Lake Urmia, located in the fertile Salmas Plain; this cultural area is located at the communication distance that connects the Iranian Plateau and the Lake Urmia basin to the South Caucasus region on one side and to eastern Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia on the other. In this article, we have examined the cultural tradition of the late Neolithic and tried to provide a clear understanding of the cultural situation of the important Neolithic period in the northwest basin of Lake Urmia by providing detailed excavation and study of cultural materials. One of the problems of archaeology in the northwest basin is the lack of sufficient information about the late Neolithic period, so new research can be a new information in the studies of the Northwest Neolithic period.

Manufacture and Use of Bone Tools in Neolithic Societies: Bone Tools from the Posht-e Forudgah Malayer Mound

Manufacture and Use of Bone Tools in Neolithic Societies: Bone Tools from the Posht-e Forudgah Malayer Mound

Volume 17, Issue 2, August 2025, Pages 33-65

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2025.400621.143370

Khalil-Ollah Beik-Mohammadi, Fahimeh Rahmani

Abstract The Posht-e Forudgah Malayer mound, located on the Malayer Plain in the Central Zagros, represents semi-nomadic communities whose subsistence economy during the Late Neolithic was based primarily on pastoralism. In this period, the integration of agricultural and herding practices encouraged the expansion and diversification of tools crafted from stone and, notably, from animal bone. Bone’s flexibility, workability, strength, and accessibility made it a crucial raw material in Neolithic daily life. This study examines a small assemblage of bone tools of varied sizes, morphologies, and functions recovered from Posht-e Forudgah. A descriptive-analytical and comparative approach was undertaken, juxtaposing these artifacts with assemblages from other Late Neolithic sites in the Central Zagros. The research addresses three questions: 1) What morphological and functional characteristics do the Posht-e Forudgah bone tools exhibit? 2) Based on structural features, what roles did they have in the lives of nomadic or semi-nomadic communities? 3) Do they show structural or functional affinities with tools from contemporary, horizon-sharing sites? The objectives include analyzing morphology, investigating the toolmakers’ technological skills, and assessing probable functions supported by experimental archaeological studies. The findings indicate predominantly conical-bodied, pointed, and polished tools, with wear traces revealing repeated use. Such patterns suggest specialized production, informed by accurate knowledge of bone properties and by a technological system embedded in the dynamic social structure of Late Neolithic semi-nomadic pastoralists. By studying these tools, the research contributes to reconstructing aspects of subsistence, offering insight into social organization, and deepening understanding of bone implement manufacture and uses—especially awls and needles—within nomadic Neolithic societies.

Subsistence Economy of the Late Neolithic Society of Tepe Khaleseh

Subsistence Economy of the Late Neolithic Society of Tepe Khaleseh

Volume 15, Issue 1, April 2023, Pages 325-353

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2022.309355.142921

Hamid Reza Valipour, Hekmatollah Mollasalehi, Artism Bakhtiyarvand Bakhtiary, Seyedeh Masoumeh Fazeli, Jade Whitlam, Anna Gręzak

Abstract One of the most important subjects regarding the Neolithic period is the change of the subsistence economy in the societies of this period compared to the previous periods. The most direct evidence of subsistence economy within the archaeological contexts are plant and animal remains. Regarding this specific subject, other cultural materials such as pottery, architecture, and tokens are considered indirect evidence. In this article, we studied and analyzed the food consumption of the people living in the Neolithic site of Tepe Khaleseh in the Zanjan Province of northwest Iran (Valipour et al., 2012, 2013) based on direct and indirect evidence obtained from archaeological excavations. Analysis of the archaeobotanical assemblage has also permitted a reconstruction of the subsistence economy at the site and the results presented here, have significantly broadened our understanding of plant and animal management in northern Iran during the Late Neolithic. Tokens, lithic, bone tools, and architectural spaces also have been used in addition to animal bones and plant remains. It seems due to the rich environmental food resources in this region and based on a self-sufficient economy during the three phases of settlement in the late Neolithic period they have evolved from a society with an equal structure in the first stage, to a society with individual ranks in the third stage, therefore, the production organization has evolved from household production to household industries.

An Attitude to the Common Cultural Developments of the Late Neolithic Period of Malayer Plain: Excavation at Tappeh Posht-e Forodgah

An Attitude to the Common Cultural Developments of the Late Neolithic Period of Malayer Plain: Excavation at Tappeh Posht-e Forodgah

Volume 13, Issue 2, Summer 2021, Pages 71-94

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2021.258800.142575

Khalil Ollah Beik Mohammadi, Ardeshir Javanmardzadeh, reza rezaloo, Behrooz Afkhami

Abstract The eastern side of Central Zagros is one of the most important areas in the Neolithic development, which has remained unknown in terms of its common cultural tradition as requires more in detail studies. Among these unknowns, “Malayer Plain”  is associated with the effects of the “Late Neolithic” period Traditions. In terms of role and color, this is a part of the 6th Millennium B.C., which due to the evolution of Pottery-making can be distinguished from the earlier periods. One of the most important pottery traditions is Sarab-Style, which is a pivot point to the recognition of the Late Neolithic of Central Zagros. This type of pottery has been identified along the eastern boundaries of Central Zagros on Malayer plain. This cultural region is considered as a blind spot of Neolithic studies due to the lack of question-oriented studies. The present research is based on the of Trench I & II excavation of the Tappeh Posht-e Forodgah studying the presence of Late Neolithic tradition  on the Malayer plain, answering the question: What are the common Neolithic cultures of the Malayer Plain and by which  common Late Neolithic cultural traditions of the Central Zagros has affected? In order to analyze the stratigraphy of the settlements formed at the Tappeh Posht-e Forodgah, a complete view of the Neolithic sequence on the eastern boundaries of Central Zagros, an excavation of the Posht-e Forodgah Site was carried out. How that two traditions of pottery or domestic or non-domestic potteries were common in this region simultanously; Eventually, the impact of the Late Neolithic period and common cultural traditions of Kermanshah plain (Segabi, Syahbid and Sarab) and Lurestan (Qelagap) on the Malayer Plain have been attested.

Village Life and the Cultural Transformations of the Eastern Central Zagros Societies: Archaeological Excavation at Tappeh Qela-Gap

Village Life and the Cultural Transformations of the Eastern Central Zagros Societies: Archaeological Excavation at Tappeh Qela-Gap

Volume 6, Issue 1, September 2014, Pages 67-86

https://doi.org/10.22059/jarcs.2014.52676

Mostafa Abdollahi, Kamal-Aldin Niknami, Morteza Hesari, Alireza Sardari Zarchi

Abstract The higher mountainous region of the Central Zagros is regarded as one of the important regions for the early human settlements. Although archaeological studies have been initiated from the early 20s but there has been little precise information on the absolute chronology and also transitional processes of cultural sequences especially on the eastern parts of the region including eastern Luristan. Archaeological excavation of Tappeh Qela-Gap carried out in 2009 in the Azna district. The previous study including four seasons of surveying identified 280 archaeological sites; one of which is Tappeh Qela-Gap is selected for excavation because of its different cultural sequences. The main aim of the excavation project firstly was to evaluate the regional chronology of the region as a whole and then to see the local variations of the site to establish a chronological framework for Azna plain. Two small soundings and also a wide trench dug out on the site provided some evidences corresponding to the early village life, pastoralism and cultural transformations of the region during the late Neolithic through the late Islamic phases.