Journal of Archaeological Studies

Abstract The Central Zagros received pioneering research on the emergence of early agricultural and village life by R. Braidwood in 1959-60. However, later shifts in research toward the Levant put the Central Zagros in shadow for several decades until recently, when investigations have once again highlighted its key place in the Neolithization processes in West Asia. Unlike the Levant, where a protracted change from the Epipaleolithic to the Neolithic is seen, the border line between these two periods is evidently sharp in the Central Zagros suggesting that unprecedented features appeared during the first two millennia of the Holocene, a foundational time that is poorly known in the region. In light of new evidence, this period is addressed here under the chronological term ‘Transitional Neolithic’ (ca. 9800-8000 BCE). Current datasets suggest that, following an environmental improvement at the end of the Younger Dryas, local communities engaged in short-term inhabitations, collective or communal ceremonies, and had an increasing reliance on the wild progenitors of early domestic plant and animal species. This time span’s close interactions with natural resources provided people with growing ecological knowledge. We may think of longer occupation in desirable places and thereby population increases in the 9^th millennium BCE. This instead could have gradually resulted in an environmental depression, however, caused either by population growth or by possible unfavorable climatic events. Archaeological evidence shows that from the mid-9^th millennium BCE on, a change happened in subsistence strategies toward low-level food production. In fact, this was an eco-cultural event that broadened the human diet. The central Zagros saw multiple creative behaviors during both the early and late phases of the Transitional Neolithic, providing people with a robust foundation for the succeeding truly Neolithic way of life that took shape during the 8^th millennium BCE

Abstract By appearance of human societies, the spiritual needs of different individuals and societies to worship the creator and to donate in order to attain the health and to fulfill the wishes had caused them to erect the specific places for offering the sacrificial materials.
This article is generally a brief study on the places to donate and offer the sacrificial materials to sacred places regarding the terminology, traditions, the structure and form of altars or fire places or sacrificial hearths as well as sacrificial materials in different historical eras and regions in Iranian plateau from c. 3rd mill. BC up to the Islamic period and continuing of the offering traditions until the present time. In this article the conclusion is that the altars and related traditions are not restricted to a specific period and region or a particular religion.

Abstract The Organization of stone tool production is one of the most important aspects of lithic assemblage studies. Reduction process indicates how lithic material was prepared and transported through reductive phases which can be reconstructed according to remaining material from each phase. Such studies are important in explaining the differences between lithic assemblages from the same period and in a region and their variability in various periods. Sequential models have distinct characteristics which distinguishes them from other archaeological structures. The concept has been proposed by American archaeologist as “reduction sequence” and by French archaeologists as “Chaine Operatoire”, which are almost the same. In this article reduction sequence is studied in Epipalaeolithic and early Neolithic of Izeh Plain, in North West of Kuzistan, Iran. Determining factors in Organization of chipped stone production, including recourse availability, settlement patterns and production trajectory are studied in lithic assemblages of Izeh sites. The only extant PPN Neolithic site, Tepe Imamzadeh Mahmud shows that there has occurred a major change in the production trajectory of bladelets from Epipalaeolithic to Neolithic and at least the location of different reduction junctures which were not exactly separated from each other in previous Epipalaeolithc period, has got relatively separated in the form of a work-camp of bladelet production workshop in PPN Neolithic.      

Abstract Although Ilkhanids (1256-1353 CE) initially selected Maraghe and then Tabriz as their capital, the thought of founding a new city as a symbol of their kingdom encouraged them to establish Soltanieh. Ghazan Khan’s goal of constructing the newly-built capital was accomplished during Uljayto’s kingdom; a project that lasted for about 10 years (704-713 AH). Although Soltanieh’s fast development made it as one of the most important cities of the world within a short period, the procedure of its destruction began after the invasion of Timur Gurkani (1389 AH), so far that no considerable trace remained of that massive capital except few. There are many questions about formation, operation, spatial organization, social structure of inhabitants of this Ilkhanid metropolis. The main aim of the present research is to find a reasonable answer to such questions based on the archeological evidences. Processes of establishment, development and destruction of this ancient mega city and a list of its destructive factors are offered at the conclusion of present paper.

Abstract According to the Geographical and environmental situation, the Kur River Basin have been occupied from the Middle Paleolithic to the modern times. Of the ancient cultures of the region, the 3rd Millennium B.C cultures contemporary with Proto-Elemite and the Elemite Dynasties have less known. Despite to the importance of this span of time, there is not clear understanding on the transition from the proto-Elemite /Banesh to Early Elemite/Kaftari in Fars yet. Of the reasons of such understanding are the rarity of the excavation, incoherency of the undertaken excavations, limited published reports and narrow use of the archaeological science; in addition, according to the some parameters such as environmental factors, the location of the settlements are relocated all the time as it is difficult to find a site containing the whole prehistoric sequence of Fars. Some archaeologists such as Sumner have believed in a gap in between of given periods in Fars. Sumner and Miller however, have recently believed that there are limit amount of population were settled in Malyan at this span of time. The excavation at Tol-e Gap-e Kenareh as a site containing the 3rd Millennium B.C cultures of Fars cultural sequence i.e. Banesh, transition to Kaftari and Early Kaftari can shed light better understanding of given cultures. This paper is based on the excavation at Tol-e Gap-e Kenareh, and trying to open a discussion on the 3rd Millennium B.C. cultures of Fras.

Abstract In this research, the bone samples of mommies no. 2, 3, and 5 of Chehrabad salt mine, Zanjan, which have been dated previously by radiocarbon dating method, were dated by fluorine, uranium, and nitrogen (FUN) relative dating method. To identify and measure fluorine, uranium and nitrogen in the samples, UV-Vis spectrophotometer, ICP-MS, and, CHNS and Kjeldahl analytical methods were respectively used. It was cleared that mommy no. 5 was the first one buried, then mommy no. 3, and finally mommy no. 2, where this order is in good agreement with the one obtained previously by radiocarbon absolute dating method. In the next step, the normalization of the data distribution was investigated by SPSS statistical software, and, linear regression, logistic graph, student’s t-test, and analysis of variance (ANOVA) were used to analyze the results obtained. The results showed that the results of FUN analysis have direct relationship with radiocarbon dating results. This study showed the high precision and accuracy of FUN relative dating method in archaeological sites, and its good agreement with radiocarbon dating in well-preserved archaeological environments.

Abstract The Kashafrud area has always been considered by many researchers due to the existence of works from the ancient Paleolithic period, as the oldest cultural area in Iran.   For this reason, this cultural field is known in the archeology of the Iranian plateau and the Middle East and is a very important subject. Due to the heterogeneous and limited distribution of archaeological excavations in the territory of Khorasan, our knowledge of the prehistoric cultures of this region in all areas is unknown (Basafa & Rezaei 2014; Vahdati, 2016). In this study, by studying and analyzing the pottery traditions of Kashafrud basin, the relative chronology of settlements have been determined.  And the dominant cultural styles of the region have been studied. In this regard, relative dating and compiling a chronological table is one of the archaeological necessities of this period. Assessment of prehistoric pottery cultures and evaluation of intra- and extra-regional interactions are research questions. So far, only two prehistoric review and identification projects have been carried out in the city of Mashhad, which include the study of the Kashafrud River by a joint Iranian-French delegation headed by Ali Ariaei and Claude Thibaut (Ariai  and Thibault, 1977), and the survey of Mashhad city by Mahmoud Bakhtiari in 1998 (Labaf  Khaniki, 1391). However, there are a few other scattered studies whose results have been published in several articles. However, several scattered studies have been conducted in this area that their results have been published in the form of several articles. Absolute and relative chronologies of the cultural regions of northeastern Iran and southern Turkmenistan have been used in the relative dating of cultural periods of the Kashafrud basin. However, generalizing these dates to surface materials without any stratigraphic study would be challenging. At present, the dates presented in the present study are based on a combination of chronologies presented in the northeastern regions of Iran and Turkmenistan, and its basis may be changed by future archaeological excavations in the Kashafrud basin. The basis of the statistical population of this study is the cultural materials of the Pottery Bank of the Greater Khorasan Museum, which were randomly sampled based on registered reports. An important point in the deployments of Kashafrud River is the relocation and collection of surface samples in the non-academic process.
The city of Mashhad as a main part of Khorasan Razavi province and is located between two mountain ranges. Its northern mountain range is a Hezar-Masjed and its southern mountain range is Binalood. A river called Kashafrud passes through this plain. This area is located in the geographical coordinates of 22-57 to 10-61 east longitude and 39-35 to 04-37 north latitude (Figure 1).
In total, and based on the studies conducted so far, about 14 prehistoric settlements have been identified within the city of Mashhad and in the Kashafrud basin (Figure 2), that four settlements of them have emerged for the first time in the Iron Age, which is out of this subject research.
In the other 10 settlements, they have cultural sequence from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age and in some continuities to the Iron Age. Of these 10 settlements, three settlements of Qaderabad, Qare Tappeh and Abarghandaray have a sequence from the Neolithic period (6500 BC according to the initial phase of Jaitun and not Sange-e Chakhmagh) to the end of the Bronze Age. In this research, the bronze period means only two phases, old and middle (equal to the date 2900-2100 BC according to the sequence of Namazgah Depe and up to 1700 BC according to the BMAC culture).  According to material cultures, two Sites of Morghanoo and Naderi have appeared for the first time in the transition period from Neolithic to Chalcolithic (5000-4800 or 4500 BC according to southwest Turkmenistan chronology) and have a cultural sequence up to the Middle Bronze Age. Based on the available evidence and cultural materials from among these settlements, the Toup Derakht site has appeared for the first time in the Late Chalcolithic or Namazgah III (3500-3000 or 2900 BC depending on the sequence of the Namazgah). The establishment of the Toup Derakht has a cultural sequence until the Iron Age. The 4 Sites of Devin, Qalurkhaneh, Gash and Junow have appeared for the first time in the Bronze Age, only in which the Devin Tape and Gash Tape have a cultural sequence up to the Iron Age.
Based on the study, classification and typology of evidence of the studied area, it was found that the three settlements of Tape Qaderabad, Qara Tape and Abarghandaray Ancient Site have Neolithic surface materials that stone tools (Figure 3) and pottery with appearance characteristics and technically belongs to the Neolithic period (figure 4). The most important cultural materials belonging to the Neolithic period include buff and red ware with geometric designs. They are handmade and have chaff temper. In addition, those samples in terms of form, pattern and technique are comparable   with Sang-e Chakhmagh, Jaitun and Neolithic of the Central Plateau of Iran (Table 2). Finally, according to the relative chronology, the date before 6500 BC to 5000 BC can be considered for the Neolithic period of Kashafrud basin. Based on the study of surface materials, the studied settlements of the transition period from Neolithic to Chalcolithic to the relative date of 5000-4500 or 5200-4800 BC have continued in three settlements of Tape Qaderabad, Qara Tape and Abarghandaray were formed for the first time in this period. The existence of cultural materials of the Chalcolithic period in the three settlements of Qaderabad, Abarghandaray and Qara Tape, equal to the date 4800-2900 BC, indicates the continuity of the establishment and cultural sequence from Late Neolithic period to the Chalcolithic. Also, the presence of surface cultural materials on the settlements of Tape Naderi and Morghanoo, which have appeared in the transition period from Neolithic to Chalcolithic period, has a sequence and continuity, and in addition, the Toup Derakht site also appears in the Late Chalcolithic Period. In addition to these cultural materials, the Early and Middle Bronze Ages have sequences in all the mentioned settlements, including Qaderabad, Abarghandaray, Qara Tape, Naderi, Morghanoo, Toup Derakht Sites, and in addition, Gash Tape, Qalurkhaneh Ancient Site, Tape Junow and they also settle in the Early Bronze phase for the first time. As a result, Kashafrud River, as a vital and effective factor in creating a fertile ecosystem, has provided a suitable platform for spatial and regional Choices of human societies from the Paleolithic period to the present, which in both material and immaterial dimensions with culture, Prehistoric regions of Northeast Iran, especially Shahroud and Damghan, Gorgan plain, Dargaz and Atrak basins, as well as prehistoric cultures of southern Turkmenistan, including the Neolithic period of Jaitun and Anu IA, culture Namazgah I - VI period It is an overlap and perhaps the Kashafrud basin can be considered as the link between the prehistoric cultures of southern Turkmenistan and the Iranian plateau, especially the northeastern region of Iran.

Abstract The Sasanian rock reliefs reliefs has been repeatedly, seriously, expertly and completely studied by Iranian and non-Iranian archaeologists and researchers, however, there are remarkable different point of views in expressing the historical content of some of the rock reliefs, especially the identification of some of the characters. The reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan known as Taq-i Bustan III (TB III) (Figures 1 and 2) are considered as the most controversial and challenging Sasanian rock relief, and the identity of its characters are not known with certainty and are still unclear. Some scholars attributed all of the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I. They believed that he wanted to show divine gifts given to him and his country. Some of the researchers and archaeologists attributed the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Khusrow Parviz. The other researchers and archaeologists known the king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Ardashir III (For more studies see Mousavi Haji and Sarfaraz, 2017). By attributing all the rock reliefs of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan to Piruz I, the authors of this article try to make clear the real identity of one of the characters present in the investiture relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. The character in question is situated at the right of the scene and to the left of Piruz I, and it appears he invested the royal ring to the Sassanid king (Figure 3). Although, most of the Iranian and non-Iranian scholars and archaeologists introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda, but according to historical sources, facial characteristics and symbol studies, the authors have no any doubt that he was the god Bahram, not the god Ahura Mazda. The most important aim of this article is to clarify the real identity of the character in question in the investiture scene of the Piruz I in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Except Nosratallah Bokhtortash (1998) and overlaet (2011) that attributed the character in question in the investiture scene of Sasanian king in the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan as Mobadan Mobad, other scholars such as Herzfeld (2002), Sheppard (2008), Ghirshman (1975), Vanden Berghe (1984), Meshkati (1970), Scratto (2004), Sami (2010), Shahbazi (1389), Canepa (2013), Haerinck (1999), Azarpay (2000), Hermann (1977), Schmidt (1970), Mackintosh (1978), Tanabe (2003) believed that the Sasanian king in the investiture relief of Large grotto of Taq-i Bustan receiving the royal ring from the great god Ahura Mazda. However, these scholars do not provide a clear and convincing reason in justifying their attribution, and they introduced him as the god Ahura Mazda just on the basis of the fact that the act of investing the royal ring as the symbol of Farrah is performed only from the great god, and therefore he should be the god Ahura Mazda. On the contrary, Bokhtortash and overlaet criticized the archaeologists and orientalists who attributed the character of the investor person as the god Ahura Mazda, and instead they mentioned that the god Ahura Mazda has not appearance and can’t be seen. On the basis of this fact they believed that the person who invested the royal ring in this relief is Mobadan Mobad and not the god Ahura Mazda. The results of this study which are basic research in the view of the purpose and historical research in the view of the method, clearly show that the character in this rock relief should be the god Bahram and not the god Ahura Mazda. To prove this claim, the first the physical appearance and iconography characteristics of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the Sasanian rock reliefs were studied. The results of the study show that the character in question in this article could not be the god Ahura Mazda because in all of the rock reliefs, the god Ahura Mazda wear crenellated crown that the hair appeared above it. But in the rock relief of the Taq-i Bustan, the character in question did not wear crenellated crown. So this character did not have the most characteristic of the god Ahura Mazda i.e. the crenellated crown. In addition, the dress, mantle and trouser of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan have complete differences with the clothes of the god Ahura Mazda. In none of the images, the god Ahura Mazda wear a long mantle that covers the ankle. Therefore, from the point of view of clothing, it is completely different from the images of the god Ahura Mazda in all of the other rock reliefs. The other important point is the beard of this person. The god Ahura Mazda has a folded and open beard in all of the rock reliefs, but this person has a ring at the end of his beard that gathers his beard and makes it like a triangular. This feature is not only unprecedented in any of the surviving images of the god Ahura Mazda, but only seen in the images of the kings. In addition, the trouser of the god Ahura Mazda are not placed in long boots in any of the rock reliefs. In the Park Museum of Taq-i Bustan twelve Sasanian capitals were exhibited which have been collected from different parts of Kermanshah province and transferred to this historical site to preserve (Moradi, 2004). On these capitals, the images of the Sasanian king, various vegetal motifs and the image of several Zoroastrian gods are depicted, which among the Zoroastrian gods, the god Bahram depicted more than the other gods. On one of the capitals, the god Bahram is depicted with a three quarter face and frontal body with big eyes, wavy face moustache and curly beard (Figure 10). He wears a helmet that covers his head and neck completely. On the bottom of the helmet and in the forehead position, a strip consisting of two rows of circular beads is wrapped around the helmet. On top of the helmet, the curly strands of the hair appear, which was wrapped with an ornamental ribbon. On his shoulders, there are big circular globes. He wears a tight, pearl-embroidered dress with a cloak that covers the chest and arms and is fastened at the front by a circular button. He puts his left hand on his chest and puts his thumbs and index fingers on top of each other, and with his right hand, he holds up the royal ring, which symbolizes the Farrah of God (Ibid.). It is interesting to know that in many cases the iconographic characteristics of the god Bahram in this capital are comparable to the physical characteristics of the character in question in the rock relief of the large grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Both characters wear the same helmet, from which curly strands of hair appeared and are adorned with a wavy ribbon. Both characters have necklaces adorned with two strings of pearls around their necks and both of them wear a cloak that fastened with a button on the front of their chests. Both characters have large eyes and are placed circular globes on their shoulders (compare the Figure 10 with Figure 2). In addition to the physical characteristics and iconographical sources, there are other credible and reliable reasons that testify to the correct attribution of the character discussed in this article as the god Bahram. The main reasons are:
- Historical sources and religious texts emphasize the close relationship between the god Bahram and its relationship with water and rain. The presence of the god Bahram in this rock relief testifies the companionship and cooperation of this god and the water goddess Anahita in overcoming the drought of Piruz I. The cooperation of the god Bahram and the goddess Anahita is so unprecedented that it has found its way into literature and has remained in the minds in the following years.
-The main function of the god Bahram is victory in war. Therefore, his connection with water and rain, as well as his victory in the war, is completely in line with the two prominent events of Piruz I, i.e. the war and the drought, and makes his presence necessary.
- The most important characteristic of the crown of Piruz I is the two wings of the eagle which is opened and it is regarded as the symbol of the god Bahram and shows the interest and belief of Piruz I. Even the name of this king is in complete harmony with the meaning of victory –which is the main function of the god Bahram

Abstract Garmoz is one of the less well-known ancient sites in the southwest of Iran, located 13 kilometers south-east of Behbahan city. The eastern valleys and the western plains of this site were the mainstays of the formation of a part of the water supply system and irrigation of the important areas in Downstream areas of the Zidoun and the Hendijjan plains in the Sasanian era. The present study has investigated the irrigation and water supply system to the downstream areas of Gormoz Valley. The purpose of this study is to identify the local and geographical features of Garmoz Valley along with the necessity of creating such a water supply project in the Sassanid era and continuing to pay attention to it in the first centuries of Islam. The question that this paper tries to answer is as follows: How and with what goals was the safe transfer of water from the upper parts of the Khaiyrabad River to the lower points? The nature of aquatic structures is detrimental due to their location in the path of floods as well as riverbeds; It is therefore necessary before the complete destruction of these hydraulic structures; Documented them. The result is that the use of the power of indigenous forces and possibly Roman engineers in the valley of the Garmoz made the water-based water supply system and irrigation, which resulted in the transfer of water behind the dam or weir through channels similar to the Qanat system in the limestone rocks along the river banks to the points The lower was transferred to lower areas of safe and sweet water and prevented the migration of residents to high points and the development of trade and agriculture in the southern parts of Arajan's State. The history of this system was observed in areas of southwestern Iran, including the Daryoun Canal during the Achaemenid period, which is probably a confirmation of the Iranian nature of this irrigation and water supply system. The development of this water supply system in the Sassanid era was completed with the help of local experts and free labor, or at least the cost of Roman captives. This article is the result of combining field research data with citation sources that is presented using the historical descriptive analysis method

Abstract Archaeobotany is one of the interdisciplinary sciences in archaeology. Archaeobotany studies plant remains in archaeological contexts. Based on plant findings, it discusses topics such as people's livelihood, agriculture, vegetation, climate changes, dating, etc. So, this course can reply to many questions archaeologists face about an ancient site and people. In recent years, archaeologists have paid a lot of attention to this field and tried to use experts in excavations. One of the excavations that has paid a lot of attention to archaeobotany, is Feyzabad site. This site has Islamic periods. During the excavation in 2022 in this site, some ovens were found, as well as some samples from them. In this research, we intend to answer questions such as the functioning of the sampled ovens and the identification of plant remains in the ovens. Finally, by combining the information found, we will shed light on the lives of the people of this period. By doing this research, our information about the life of the people belonging to this area, their livelihood and the common types of plant remains used in this area will increase. Also, micro information about climatic conditions will be obtained. After carrying out the necessary investigations and research, it was found that the ovens found in the trench D8 are related to cooking to the inner part of the royal citadel. Besides the more specialized work that is being done, animal husbandry and agriculture are popular. Some climate changes such as warmer weather and less humidity were also identified

Abstract The site of Tappeh Sabz (or Tepe Sebz) lies 6 kms to the north of the city of Behbahan and 100 meters away on the eastern side of the asphalt road that connects Behbahan to the cement factory and dam construction facilities of Water and Power Organization, at E 50° 7' 38" and N 30° 35' 12". The top of the mound rises to a height of 35–50 m above the surrounding ground level, from which one can look over the whole historical valley of Arj?n. The name of Tappeh Sabz comes from the agricultural activities carried out at this site which cause it to look green at most seasons.
The goal of choosing this systematic survey is to obtain statistical findings from the collected data in a methodical study of potteries and other finds in order to determine the chronology of this site. At the first step of the survey 3252 shells were gathered from the surface of the mound and classified. Based on the comparison of the archaeological finds, it seems that Tappeh Sabz is contemporary with Tchogh? Nabut, Tall-e Nokhodi, Tchogh? Mish, Juy and Susa. The proposed chronology for Tappeh Sabz is the Middle Susiana. Most of the shells have geometrical ornaments which are symmetrical.

Abstract With the increasing trend in the expansion of urban areas in recent years, in addition to the gradual decrease in the number of intra-city natural environments, the link between natural environments has also faded away in such a way that the inter-city natural environments are enclosed like some separated spots within the urban area. On the other hand, similar to natural environments, the inter-city historical places, known as the only traces left from previous civilizations, are at risk of destruction with their quality being degraded. As its major objective, the present article seeks to preserve and provide links among the natural and historical structures within and outside the urban areas, aimed at building a coherent and interlinked network of historical and natural structures. The study uses two environmental approaches, landscape and history, to have a comprehensive perspective towards both natural and historical structures. Methodology of the present study includes: data collection and analysis, specifying the natural and historical structures in Shahr-e Rey, matching the natural and historical structures to reach the major links between them with the purpose of creating green routes, defining the major green routes and finally defining a natural-historical network. To accomplish the research objective, Shahr-Rey was selected as the sample of the study as it is a historical city with thousands of years of civilization and numerous natural potentials including green and open spaces within and outside its urban area. The article concludes by offering a strategic plan to create a network of green routes linking history to nature both to preserve the natural and historical intra-city structures and to create a unified and coherent network between the two.

Abstract The study of architecture and architectural decorations is one of the most basic archaeological tools for the recognition of ancient cultures and societies. However, despite its importance as the prologue of Iranian architecture in the historical period (i.e., Median and Persian architecture), Iranian Iron Age architecture has been studied less than it deserves. Painted bricks and tiles— which are found across different regions of Iran, e.g., the Northwest, Luristan, and the Central Plateau at ancient sites such as Hasanlu, Qalaichi, Rabat, Baba Jan, Qoli Darvish, Sialk, Shamshirgah, and Gholam Tape—are among the most significant elements of Iron Age architecture, about which our knowledge has grown considerably over the last few decades. The present article deals with the descriptions of the aforementioned bricks and their typology. We try to show how much these bricks have been influenced by the art of neighboring nations. This article also aims to indicate the function of these painted bricks, and by extension, the function of the buildings on which these bricks are adorned. The research results suggest that these bricks can be divided into three distinct categories that are consistent with a triple political and geographical division of Iran during the first half of the first millennium BCE. The research also shows that despite the fact that these bricks have been influenced by the art of neighboring regions, they are indigenous and have been made by native artisans. It seems that the painted bricks of the Iranian Iron Age are mostly used in religious buildings and temples of this time.

Abstract In the summer of 2017, renewed fieldwork was undertaken at Tappeh Sofalin in the Varamin Plain. A total of 20 samples for absolute dating were collected during this season, several of which have been analyzed. We present this new evidence for the dating of the site and compare it briefly with published dates and analyses from other sites. Finally, we discuss implications for the chronology of the Proto-Elamite spread to the Central Plateau and other areas of Iran.

Abstract What we call Islamic studies today stems from orientalism, which in recent centuries has become a field of scientifically developed studies. Orientalism is Christians west dates back to the founding of the council of the Church of Vienna in 1312AD, establishing a chair for Arabic, Greek, Hebrew and syriac in the schools of Paris, Oxford, Bologna and Salamanca. Orientalists were also mostly biblical scholars, Semitic students, Islamologists, or Chinese scholars. However, some scholars believe that orientalism dates back to the early 11^th century. Other associate the beginning of orientalism with the translation of Quran into Latin for the first time. In the twentieth century, orientalism entered a new phase, called Islamic studies. Islamic studies is a bridge from orientalism to religious studies in which scholars seek to engage in more dialogue in religious studies by emphasizing new perspectives. Among the research, the coexistence of Muslims and Christians in Andalusia is an issue that has been addressed. In this study, researcher, faced with the question of what condition have created the coexistence of Muslims and Christians studies? In addition, what has been the process of formation of Islamic studies according to the created fields? In this study, question is that the coexistence of Muslims and Christians in Andalusia was able to create evangelical, economic and scientific fields of Islamic studies. The research method is descriptive- analytical, and library method collect data. The results of this study indicate that after the conquest of Spain, relations between Muslims and Christians were natural and non-hostile. These relations continued in the following centuries, they chose Arabic as their scientific and cultural language. With the spread of Islam in Andalusia, the formation of Islamic civilization, the flourishing of the economy and dominance of Muslim culture and literature evangelical, economic and scientific grounds were provided for the knowledge of Muslims. After the beginning of the reconqueste movement by Christians and the conquest Islamic cities, their attention to Muslim science, technology and culture was aroused. In order to access the scientific treasures that existed in Islamic libraries, the movement to translate Arabic books began. The beginning of the translation movement in Andalusia established Islamic studies. Its transmission by scholars who flocked to Spain, formed all over Europe spread Islamic studies in Europe.

Abstract As it appears from historical texts, the favourable bioclimatic conditions of the Natanz region and its location in the communication network of Iran’s central plateau, have provided the ground for the formation of numerous settlements, as well as diverse and yet valuable architectural works. Presence of pre-Islamic ancient sites (Such as Arisman ancient site, fire temple, castle, karezes) and also monuments from the Islamic era in Natanz (Such as Juma Mosque, Sheikh Abdul Samad Complex and collections of public, commercial and residential monuments), have turned this city into one of the most valuable ancient settlements in the country; highlighting the importance of the region from prehistoric up to the present century. According to published sources, Natanz's socio-political developments in early-Islamic centuries were influenced by the changes that occurred in the cities of Isfahan and Kashan. Also, the brilliant effects of the historical monuments of Kashan and Isfahan cities have caused the neglect of the monuments of the city of Natanz by tourists and historians of different periods. Neglect that has also affected archaeological, urban, architectural and historical research.  The authors have tried to determine the evolution of the city of Natanz, relying on the written sources, in order to identify the factors and events that have influenced the formation and development of this city. Results of the present study revealed that the construction history of this city can be traced back to the Sasanian Empire. Moreover, it became clear that Natanz’s location on the communication network of Iran’s central plateau and It has been one of the centers of caravans crossing and trade and the Central Plateau of Iran, and also its geographical location, environmental conditions and the special defensive function of the natanz city Its importance in different historical periods, especially the Ilkhanid and Safavid periods it has figured

Abstract One of the most important archeological remains in the eastern part of north-west Iran is the existence of thousands of kurgan graves with a complex structure. Despite the lack of concurrent residential sites, it can be concluded from the structure and contents of safely discovered graves that there was a kind of society with chiefdom structure which were able to build such magnificent mausoleums. Their identity has not been illustrated up to now and their secrets have been obscured through the passing time. This paper explains the findings from one the kurgans in Nir Boyni Yoghun castle and analyzes them through comparisons with some similar sites.  

Abstract Kerman Province, the largest province in the country, is located in the southeast of the Central Iranian Plateau. This province encompasses numerous archaeological sites such as Jiroft, Yahya, Tepe Abrish, among others. To date, a significant number of metal artifacts have been recovered from these sites, most of which are housed in museums. This paper investigates two copper-based objects from the Herandi Museum in Kerman: Object 1 (registration number 11593), a vessel-form artifact, and Object 2 (registration number 11594), an artifact in the form of a mirror or a functional tool. The primary research questions addressed are: What are the manufacturing techniques, alloy composition, identification, and stability of the corrosion products on these bronze objects from the Herandi Museum, and what role do these factors play in the preservation of these two artifacts? To this end, analytical techniques including X-ray radiography, Scanning Electron Microscopy with Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (SEM-EDX), and X-ray Diffraction (XRD) were employed. Based on the X-ray and SEM-EDX analyses, it was determined that these artifacts are composed of a copper-arsenic (Cu-As) alloy. Given the high percentage of arsenic, they are classified as arsenical bronzes, which exhibit good workability and toughness. Furthermore, SEM analysis indicates that these two objects were manufactured using cold-working and annealing techniques. Radiographic images reveal a sound metallic core in both artifacts. XRD analysis, conducted to identify the principal corrosion products (damage) on these objects, identified chloride, carbonate, and oxide corrosion products. pH measurements of the corrosion products, correlated with the Pourbaix diagram, indicate that the most significant corrosion products at pH levels of 4.5 and 5 are malachite, atacamite, and brochantite. These corrosion products were confirmed to be present on the artifacts through X-ray diffraction analysis.
Keywords: Archaeometallurgy, Arsenical Bronze, Copper Alloys, Corrosion Products, SEM-EDX, Kerman, Iran.
 
1. Introduction
Arsenical copper alloys represent one of the copper-based alloys of particular importance in the Early Bronze Age. Throughout the 4th millennium BCE and into the Late Bronze Age, arsenical copper alloys were produced and utilized across the Near East, with tin bronze completely replacing arsenical alloys around 1500 BCE (Lechtman H. et al., 1996).
Recent decades of metallurgical research on the Iranian Plateau demonstrate that copper-arsenic was not merely a ‘provisional’ or ‘inferior’ material, but rather a successful and widely used alloy with desirable mechanical properties and a distinct place in the economy and technology of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods (Heskel, 1982; Thornton, 2009). Archaeological evidence points to a complex technological sequence in southeastern Iran. This sequence began with the sophisticated use of native copper at sites such as Tepe Yahya in the 5th millennium BCE (Thornton et al., 2002), gradually evolved towards the exploitation of natural copper-arsenic minerals like domeykite (Cu₃As) and algodonite (Cu₅₋₆As), as well as the smelting of copper from oxide ores in the 4th millennium BCE (with early crucible smelting evidence observed at Tal-e Iblis), and culminated in the widespread production of alloyed artifacts in the 3rd millennium BCE (Karlovsky & Potts, 2001). A potential, rare source of arsenic for the region is the Anarak-Talmessi polymetallic ore deposit in central Iran, which contains significant surface deposits of these arsenides (Smith, 1965; Heskel & Karlovsky, 1980). However, as Thornton (2009) emphasizes, direct archaeological or archaeometric evidence for prehistoric exploitation of these mines is still lacking, and this hypothesis requires confirmation through future field studies. The production and use of arsenical copper was not confined to a single region; evidence has been reported from numerous key sites in southeastern Iran, including Shahr-i Sokhta (Hauptmann et al, 2003), Shahdad (Vatandoust, 1999), Jiroft (Majidzadeh, 2003), and Espidej-Bazman (Sabouhi Sani, 2017; Meier et al, 2011; Pourzarghan et al, 2023). The status of this alloy type in the creation of Early Bronze Age artifacts reflects the functioning and behavior of a civilization capable of harnessing this specific metallurgical knowledge for the purposes of daily life. Its widespread distribution indicates a network for the exchange of technical knowledge and possibly raw materials across a vast area of the Iranian Plateau. Nevertheless, a detailed examination of the technological trajectory and distribution patterns of these alloys, particularly in relation to broader cultural interactions during the 3rd millennium BCE (such as Proto-Elamite influence and contacts with Central Asia), still requires integrated research (Thornton, 2009). In any case, the first raw material used for copper smelting was undoubtedly obtained from oxide ore deposits (Rapp Jr., 1998). As mentioned, arsenical alloys constitute a significant part of the highly important cultural artifacts of the Early Bronze Age and hold a special place within cultural heritage and archaeology. Most of these artifacts have been recovered from sites such as Tepe Sagzabad (Boscher, 2016; Mortazavi et al, 2011), Arisman (Thornton, 2010), Tepe Yahya (Thornton et al., 2002; Thornton and Karlovsky, 2004, 267; Piggot, 2004:30-34), Tepe Hissar &  Tepe Malyan (Thornton et al., 2009), and Tepe Miamantabad (Kashani et al., 2013) (Thornton and Lamberg-Karlovsky, 2004, 267). Iran is, in fact, one of the most ideal regions for the production of arsenical copper, involving the smelting of complex arsenic-sulfide ores (Thornton et al., 2009), as discussed in the aforementioned sites, and holds particular importance in archaeometallurgical investigations.
Given that the artifacts under study lack a specific provenance and are housed in the collection of the Herandi Museum in Kerman (Daei Parizi, 2016; Naghavi, 2010), they could potentially be among the artifacts recovered from archaeological sites in Kerman province. Information on manufacturing technology encompasses the materials and methods for evaluating their metallurgy in ancient times (Thornton, 2009). Most metal artifacts, having been buried for extended periods, have undergone corrosion (Scott, 2002; Chase, 1999). The artifacts under study exhibit corrosion with green and red surface layers, along with deposits of dust. In any case, these objects are examined as historical documents and from an aesthetic perspective .In this context, the collection of metal artifacts in the Herandi Museum of Kerman, which largely lacks precise provenance, holds particular importance as a research dataset. Preliminary stylistic and typological analysis reveals similarities between this collection and finds from major sites in southeastern Iran, such as Shahr-i Sokhta, Shahdad, and Jiroft. Therefore, a scientific study of a portion of this collection can contribute to a better understanding and identification of the technical capabilities, alloying preferences—aiming at stability in corrosion products as per the conducted analyses—and exchange networks in the region during the Late Bronze Age. The primary objective of this research is to identify the manufacturing technology of two metal artifacts with unknown provenance in the Herandi Museum of Kerman, focusing on the analysis of their metallurgical microstructure (metallography).
 
2. Introduction to the artifacts under study
This research focuses on two bronze artifacts from the Harandi Museum in Kerman, Iran. Artifact No. 1, with registration number 11593, is a plate with outward-folded edges, as shown in images (1a-c). This vessel is simple and devoid of decorations, with its surface covered by environmental and mineral deposits. It has also undergone significant corrosion. On the rim of this artifact, an inventory number is inscribed. Artifact No. 2, depicted in images (2a-b) with registration number 11594, consists of a handle and a base (support). Based on the examination and research conducted on these artifacts, it can be concluded that the two objects studied in this project are confiscated items and belong to the Harandi Garden Museum in Kerman. The artifacts likely date back to 2600–2400 BCE and serve as historical evidence from this region.
 
3. Materials and Methods
Analytical studies were conducted using optical microscopy. Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) coupled with Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (EDX) was employed to identify the elemental composition and alloy structure of the artifacts. The SEM-EDX analysis was performed using a VEGAII TESCAN instrument manufactured in the Czech Republic. The EDS analysis was carried out using a Rontec Quantax/QX2 system from Germany at the Razi Metallurgical Research Center in Tehran, Iran. X-ray Diffraction (XRD) was utilized to determine the crystalline phases and identify the crystal structure of the samples. For this purpose, an X-ray diffractometer model PW1800 by PHILIPS (supplied by Bime Gostar Taban Co.) was used. Sample preparation involved creating a homogeneous powder from the study samples with a grain size of less than 45 microns, followed by drying at 60°C for 24 hours to remove moisture. The experimental parameters included a Bragg angle (2θ) range of 5° to 70°, a step size of 0.05°, and a time per step of 1 second. The X-ray source used was a copper tube (Cu-Kα) with a wavelength of 1.5406 Å. The obtained data were processed using the HighScore Plus software (version 2016) and matched with the ICDD database. Additionally, pH measurements of the corrosion products were conducted using a Metrohm 744 pH meter (manufactured in the USA) by ASTM D4972-1 standards at the Faculty of Conservation and Restoration in Isfahan.
 
4. Discussion
The radiography of Artifact No. 1 (Registration No. 11593) reveals a healthy metallic core, as indicated by the gray tonalities in the images. Similarly, the central portion of Artifact No. 2 (Registration No. 11594) also exhibits a well-preserved metallic core. According to Figure 1, environmental contaminants such as gypsum and calcite indicate the presence of a carbonate and sulfate-rich environment. Additionally, the presence of albite and muscovite suggests the existence of alkali feldspars in this environment. To identify and assess the stability of the corrosion products on these artifacts, the samples were subjected to pH testing. The pH of the corrosion products was measured to be between 4.5 and 5, indicating acidic conditions. These findings were further analyzed using Pourbaix diagrams, as illustrated in Figure 2. Based on the EDX analysis, it was determined that the artifacts in question contain a high percentage of arsenic. Artifact No. 1 contains 1.1% arsenic, while Artifact No. 2 contains 2.7% arsenic, classifying them as arsenical bronzes (see: Fig.1).
 Additionally, in Artifact No. 2, approximately 3% chlorine was detected at Point 2. The presence of sulfur at Points B and C in Image 7 indicates the formation of corrosion products such as brochantite and anilite. At Point D in Image 7, zinc was detected at 2.7%. Furthermore, 1.46% iron was identified as an impurity. Traces of zinc were observed in both artifacts. The presence of zinc in these artifacts suggests that smithsonite (zinc carbonate) may have been roasted to oxidize it, then heated in a crucible with metallic copper and charcoal to produce various copper alloys (Pollard & Heron, 1996). In Image 8 of Artifact No. 2, the compacted layers in its structure, arranged in parallel and oblique patterns, indicate that the manufacturing technique involved cold-working. Subsequently, annealing was employed to shape and form the vessel (Scott, 1991, p. 8).
 
5. Conclusion
The results of this laboratory study on two arsenical bronze artifacts from the Herandi Museum in Kerman provide new insights into the preservation status, material composition, and manufacturing technology of metallurgy in southeastern Iran during the late 3rd millennium BCE.Radiographic findings indicate that both objects possess a sound metallic core, with only Object 2 lacking a core at its edges.The copper-arsenic alloy composition, containing zinc—likely obtained through the co-smelting of arsenic- and zinc-rich oxide/carbonate ores (possibly from ores such as Smithsonite (ZnCO₃) and Sphalerite (ZnS))—aligns with findings from key sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. This reflects a technological mastery in the selection and preparation of complex raw materials, reinforcing the region’s potential role as a center for producing multi-component alloys. Metallographic examinations confirm a conventional manufacturing sequence involving cold working followed by annealing. This procedural pattern, employed to balance hardness and malleability, demonstrates the establishment and dissemination of an advanced “technological style” in the region. From a conservation perspective, the identification of active bronze disease, caused by the presence of chlorides and an acidic surface environment, serves as a serious warning regarding the vulnerability of these objects to fluctuations in ambient humidity. This finding clearly underscores the necessity of implementing preventive conservation interventions and maintaining precise control over display and storage conditions. Overall, this study demonstrates that even artifacts lacking a specific provenance can, through targeted laboratory methods, reveal valuable information about their technological lineage and material status. The present data serve as a foundation for linking this museum collection to the broader geography of metal production and consumption in Bronze Age Iran, while also highlighting the need to expand such studies to include more samples and employ advanced tracing techniques (such as lead isotope analysis) to more precisely map the networks of raw material and technology exchange in the future.

Abstract After 70 years we still have very little knowledge about the Epi-Paleolithic, Pre-pottery Neolithic (PPN), and Pottery Neolithic (PN) periods in the eastern Mazandaran plains. Unreliable excavation methods, the application of personal taste in collecting data, and uncertain analyses are among the issues we face in Coon`s excavations at the Hotu and Kamarband caves. Additionally, there are no detailed reports of pottery from the caves by Coon. In the following years, only general information and a few pictures and drawings by archaeologists were published, which, although helpful, weren’t enough. In the last two decades, despite the excavations and field surveys that have been carried out, there have been no attempts to reinterpret the Caspian Neolithic Software (the CNS pottery type). Touq Tappeh and Tappeh Valiki, located in the Neka Plain, are two CNS sites that yielded over 2500 sherds belonging to the PN. Analysis of the pottery assemblage suggests a need to revise our assumptions about the CNS type. The diversity in production and decoration reflects household production, although they show a specific pattern at regional and inter-regional levels. It has come to our attention that while some researchers have referred to this pottery as the Djeitun/Chakhmaq style, new absolute dates tell a different story. The sherds presented in this paper can be categorized into two groups - regional and inter-regional - with the majority belonging to the CNS type. The dating of Touq Tappeh suggests that the PN layers belong to 6250-5800 BC. Meanwhile, dating from Hotu indicates that the PN began around 6400 BC, and at Tappeh Valiki, it started around 6600 BC. Consequently, the CNS culture in the eastern region of Mazandaran is now considered the oldest Pottery Neolithic culture in northeastern Iran.

Abstract Like the adjacent areas including Savojbolagh and Tehran Plain etc, Taleghan is one of the regions susceptible to form Iron Age Settlements at northern central part of Iranian Plateau. During an archaeological survey in this region in 2001, 19 zones were attributed to Iron Age Region so that due to study on the findings resulting from this survey again, only ten of them included characteristic and remarkable and chronological potteries. Comparison among potteries in this region may indicate that the given potteries are related to Iron Age I and II. It seems the high altitude of Taleghan region as well as its cold and mountaineous climate along with the lack of farming lands caused this region to draw attention of nomadic communities during Iron Age like the present time.

Abstract There are few Wall Paintings remained from the Parthian and Sassanid era in Iran.These limited examples play a major role in the development of the study and our knowledge on pre-Islamic Iranian painting. The present paper examined two of these remains, one a Parthian Wall Painting in Kuh-e Khwaje in Sistan and the other a unique sample of early Sasanians Wall Painting in Firuzabad, Fars province, dating back to two different times in two different sites, they reveal evident similarities in the style. Also considering the vast painted surfaces in both sites and the characteristic specifications of the sites, one can see the high artistic capabilities applied for painting them.Althoughboth paintings demonstrate the application of different methods, they are well adapted with the host structure in functional conception, in a strong harmony with the echo system of the site and acknowledging the cultural diversity of the creating civilization.Studying these wall paintings in terms of subject and style shows the Sasanian Painting despite of the influences of Hellenistic art, also has been affected by Parthian painting style from east of Iran.

Abstract Chipped stones, like many other archaeological artifacts, change in their original context. One of the most important changes is breakage. Although it is clear that chipped stones which are gathered by archaeologists might have been broken, there have been few discussions made on the estimating the original number of chipped stones before breaking. In this article we have introduced different methods of counting broken fragments of chipped stones when refitting is impossible. Seven different assemblages of chipped stones have been experimentally broken and their fragments have been counted by using different methods in order to find the competible methods to count fragments of chipped stones in an archaeological assemblages.

Abstract Seals and clay sealings are the most important cultural material of Sasanian period. There have been a few seals and bullas of various periods retained in the Moghadam Museum of Tehran. These materials have not been introduced so far. Authors of the present paper aim at to study and introduce the sasanian seals and bullas of this museum especially those bearing animal symbolic motifs. We do this through comparing them by the same materials of the different collections such as Qasr-i Abu Nasr and Takht-i Soleiman collections while some of them are introduced here for the first time. The most interesting thing which we foun by this sresearch have been the Mithraism elements which were used by Sasanians as iconographic motifs on their sealing systems.

Abstract Attention to the Architecture of the second and first millennium B.C. in Guilan, province is the subject of the many recent field works and studies, provided information on the situation of the residents of Gilan in this period. In this paper, we try to make a brief introduction about settlement sites such as Pilla Qale, Kaluraz in Roudbar and Sardkhoonipesht in Talish areas. We introduce the characteristics of the architectural remains found from new excavated sites in Guilan, including Oskulak in Roudbar, Kafarestan of Dailaman and Liarsangbon complex in Amlash which are belonged to the second and first millennium B.C. According to comparative studies on pottery and relative chronology presented, these three sites have had evidences of permanent and semi-permanent architecture from the mid second millennium to the late first millennium B.C. The most important properties of settlements and architectural structures of these sites in the second and first millennium B.C. were included as: building with or sometimes without foundation, using stone and sometimes mud in the construction of walls, ordering wall with or sometimes without mud  mortar, the rectangular living spaces with fastening at the angles but far from proportionality geometric, making platforms for establishing the settlements, flooring with trampling or burning method in order to prevent moisture penetration, using wooden beams as columns or roof covering and fitting thermal structures in the interior of residential spaces.

Abstract In Great Achaemenian empire different writings and languages have been used in diverse areas of the Achaemenian dominion for doing administrative-economic activities in administrative system. Persepolis Fortification archive in the empire’s center, belonging to the 13 to 28 years of Darius the Great’ reign, can be distinguished as the greatest and most important Achaemenid multilingual administrative organization. Although the main language of archive tablets is Elamite, there are tablets of the Aramaic language and samples of ancient Persian, Greek, Neo-Babylonian and Frigian writings. Multilingualism is representative of Persepolis and its surrounding regions’ social status of diverse nationality. The fortification multilingual documents are placed in a web of complex evidence. Of course their texts are related to similar administrative activities. In the present article we attempt to investigate the importance of these documents and their represented classification based on their shape, language and texts.